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The main objective of the article is to show that the temporary symbiosis between centres of political power and organized crime leads to the development of permanent, corrupt and opaque networks. Focusing on the countries of the Western Balkans, the author points to the reasons for the development of organized crime in the region and then to the conditions created in the post-conflict period that resulted in the failure of effective attempts to stop organized crime and the corruption that facilitates it in the these countries. The article also points out that the creation of symbiotic relationships between political elites and organized crime groups leads to a 'state capture.' The unresolved problems of corruption and organized crime, in turn, have a direct impact on these countries' EU-integration processes.

Both Russian authorities and Russian society have a sense of harm associated with the position of Russia in the world. They do not agree with the dominant role of the West. To a large extent it is associated with a sense of Russian pride. The consequence of this situation is the growing confrontation between the Russian Federation and the West. Currently, the theatre of confrontation is i.a. the conflict in the east of Ukraine and the war in Syria. The intensification of military tension is also observed, the confirmation of which is the violation of the airspace of NATO members. The author of this article undertook research effort associated with the determination of the fields of confrontation between Russia and the West.

In this article, the author carries out a comprehensive analysis of the security policy pursued by Ukraine towards the broadly understood West. While describing the Ukrainian security policy since the state gained independence, it draws attention to both the conceptual layer (strategic documents, political declarations) and the implementation layer (the actions actually taken). The considerations in the article contain historical and comparative issues concerning the nature of the Ukrainian security policy towards the West, including towards the European Union, NATO and the United States. The theory of neoclassical realism, which is still not very popular among researchers, was applied to analyze this issue. It has a great explanatory power, because it takes into account both external aspects inherent in the international system, as well as internal ones resulting from the situation in the state itself. The aim of this article was to search for answers to the following questions: why, how and under what factors did the position of the West change in Ukraine's security policy? As a result of the research, the hypothesis that the Ukrainian state is gradually approaching the West is confirmed, despite the inconsistency in its security policy and the West's uncertainty as to the deepening of cooperation with it. ; W niniejszym artykule autorka dokonuje wszechstronnej analizy prowadzonej przez Ukrainę wobec szeroko pojętego Zachodu polityki bezpieczeństwa. Charakteryzując ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa od momentu uzyskania przez państwo niepodległości, zwraca uwagę na warstwę zarówno koncepcyjną (dokumenty strategiczne, deklaracje polityczne), jak i realizacyjną (faktycznie podjęte działania). Rozważania w artykule zawierają w sobie zagadnienia historyczne i komparatystyczne dotyczące charakteru ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa prowadzonej wobec Zachodu, m.in. wobec Unii Europejskiej, NATO i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do analizy niniejszej kwestii została wykorzystana jeszcze niezbyt ciesząca się popularnością wśród ...

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

For past decades the two major consumers of Ukrainian products have been the CIS countries and the EU, both making up to 55% of the foreign trade turnover. An enactment of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area in 2016 has significantly boosted the trade between Ukraine and the EU Member States and, from other hand, has indirectly contributed to the reduction of trade with key CIS partners. In result, basically, has occurred a reorientation of Ukrainian trade from Eastern partners to Western. The analysis of the foreign trade of Ukraine for the period 2010–2019 has proved the thesis that Ukraine has gained first of all quantitatively in trade integration with the EU and lost first of all qualitatively in diminished trade with the CIS.

W niniejszym artykule autorka dokonuje wszechstronnej analizy prowadzonej przez Ukrainę wobec szeroko pojętego Zachodu polityki bezpieczeństwa. Charakteryzując ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa od momentu uzyskania przez państwo niepodległości, zwraca uwagę na warstwę zarówno koncepcyjną (dokumenty strategiczne, deklaracje polityczne), jak i realizacyjną (faktycznie podjęte działania). Rozważania w artykule zawierają w sobie zagadnienia historyczne i komparatystyczne dotyczące charakteru ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa prowadzonej wobec Zachodu, m.in. wobec Unii Europejskiej, NATO i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do analizy niniejszej kwestii została wykorzystana jeszcze niezbyt ciesząca się popularnością wśród badaczy teoria realizmu neoklasycznego. Posiada ona dużą moc eksplanacyjną, ponieważ uwzględnia aspekty zewnętrzne, tkwiące w systemie międzynarodowym, jak i wewnętrzne, wynikające z sytuacji w samym państwie. Jako cel tego artykułu wyznaczono poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: dlaczego, w jaki sposób oraz pod wpływem jakich czynników zmieniała się pozycja Zachodu w polityce bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy? Wskutek przeprowadzonych badań potwierdza się postawiona hipoteza o stopniowym zbliżeniu się państwa ukraińskiego do Zachodu mimo niekonsekwentności w jego polityce bezpieczeństwa oraz niepewności Zachodu co do pogłębiania współpracy z nim. ; In this article, the author carries out a comprehensive analysis of the security policy pursued by Ukraine towards the broadly understood West. While describing the Ukrainian security policy since the state gained independence, it draws attention to both the conceptual layer (strategic documents, political declarations) and the implementation layer (the actions actually taken). The considerations in the article contain historical and comparative issues concerning the nature of the Ukrainian security policy towards the West, including towards the European Union, NATO and the United States. The theory of neoclassical realism, which is still not very popular among ...

EU membership has been a compelling goal for the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia), related to the bloc's stability, economic prosperity and higher standard of living. Each of these countries pursues its own process of EU accession while being also a part of the regional initiatives under the auspices of the EU. This paper provides an overview of the EU accession process of the Western Balkan countries, focusing on their individual achievements and challenges, as well as common features and problems. Also, the content andprospects of regional integration of the Western Balkans through the Regional Economic Area (REA) programme, along with the role of the EU in supporting the regional perspective are discussed. The parallel Western Balkans engagement in both processes supports arguments for the prioritisation of the individual countries' accession to the EU over Western Balkans regional integration, distinguishing also the challenges of both processes. The methodology for the elaboration of this paper includes methods of analysis and synthesis, based on extensive desk research of available materials.

The tendency to equate economic growth with industrialization has in the recent past started a violent and bloody movement in the Indian state of West Bengal. The movement that started against forced acquisition of agricultural land for industrialization in Singur gradually spread to other parts of the state of West Bengal including Nandigram. This movement acquired explosive proportions with the intellectuals, civil society and anti-left political parties throwing in their weight behind the displaced peasants who lost their land. Ultimately it became an albatross around the neck of the Left leadership and sunk the political fortunes of the thirty-four year old Left Front government in 2011 state assembly elections. The Singur and Nandigram tragedy are only one among the many agitations that have exploded in various parts of India in recent past. These protest movements have kicked off the development versus displacement debate in India. The killing of protesting peasants in Singur and Nandigram by the trigger happy police not only exposes the political myopia and inhuman indifference of the so-called pro-poor Left Front Government of West Bengal. But it also goes on to show that the political process in India is increasingly getting hijacked by the logic of the market which sees displacement only as an appendix to development. What we need today is to reinvent the principles laid down by Gandhi to usher in a just and equitable economic order. The Gandhian model of economic development is based on the simple yet profound principles of altruism and egalitarianism. This article would focus on the reasons behind the inception of a violent movement in Singur and Nandigram, the fundamental flaws in the development model of the erstwhile Left Front Government of West Bengal, and end by providing a Gandhian solution to the development versus displacement dilemma in the state of West Bengal in India.

The tendency to equate economic growth with industrialization has in the recent past started a violent and bloody movement in the Indian state of West Bengal. The movement that started against forced acquisition of agricultural land for industrialization in Singur gradually spread to other parts of the state of West Bengal including Nandigram. This movement acquired explosive proportions with the intellectuals, civil society and anti-left political parties throwing in their weight behind the displaced peasants who lost their land. Ultimately it became an albatross around the neck of the Left leadership and sunk the political fortunes of the thirty-four year old Left Front government in 2011 state assembly elections. The Singur and Nandigram tragedy are only one among the many agitations that have exploded in various parts of India in recent past. These protest movements have kicked off the development versus displacement debate in India. The killing of protesting peasants in Singur and Nandigram by the trigger happy police not only exposes the political myopia and inhuman indifference of the so-called pro-poor Left Front Government of West Bengal. But it also goes on to show that the political process in India is increasingly getting hijacked by the logic of the market which sees displacement only as an appendix to development. What we need today is to reinvent the principles laid down by Gandhi to usher in a just and equitable economic order. The Gandhian model of economic development is based on the simple yet profound principles of altruism and egalitarianism. This article would focus on the reasons behind the inception of a violent movement in Singur and Nandigram, the fundamental flaws in the development model of the erstwhile Left Front Government of West Bengal, and end by providing a Gandhian solution to the development versus displacement dilemma in the state of West Bengal in India.