Suchergebnisse

"Eeuwenlang was China de onbetwiste grootmacht van Oost-Azië. Andere volkeren werden gezien als barbaars. In de Eeuw van Vernedering (1839-1949) degradeerden het Westen en Japan de natie tot een vazalstaat. Inmiddels heeft het land zijn positie als economische mogendheid herwonnen, maar hoe gaan de communistische leiders hiermee om? Voegt Peking zich naar de westerse wereldorde of wil zij de oude glorie herstellen? Kan een botsing met de Verenigde Staten worden voorkomen? 'China en de barbaren' schetst de invloed van de geschiedenis op China?s zoektocht naar een nieuwe identiteit." -- Back cover

A review of the literature -- both empirical & theoretical -- on modernization as defined by the classical Western model, which assumes that a uniform world of political democracies with free market economies will be the natural result of economic development. It is suggested that this model is too deterministic for non-Western countries because it does not distinguish between the demands of modernization & the preconditions for democratization. Many studies have found that there is no direct relationship between economic growth & political democratization. Modern political entities develop common characteristics, including the design of participatory structures & processes, but there is no evidence that the Western economic model should be adopted by all modernizing societies. 5 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture & changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist & new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues. Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as new-leftist issues become more important & that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Y. Kleistra, Hollen of stilstaan. Beleidsverandering bij het Nederlandse ministerie van buitenlandse zaken P.R. Baehr, M.C. Castermans-Holleman, F. Grünfeld, Human rights in the foreign policy of the Netherlands E.M. van den Berg, The influence of domestic NGOs on Dutch human rights policy. Case studies on South Africa, Namibia, Indonesia and East Timor. The role of human rights in post-1945 Dutch foreign policy: Politicological and historical literature, Maarten KuitenbrouwerThe second Dutch government under Prime Minister Kok fell in 2002 following the publication of a critical report by the Dutch Institute for Wartime Documentation (NIOD) on the Srebenica issue. This event forms the starting point for a review of the recent literature on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy during the last few decades in both political science and history. Both disciplines share the 'decisionmaking analysis' in international relations theory as a common background. In addition, political scientists and historians have often found themselves researching the same human rights issues that affect Dutch relations with a series of non-Western countries. An explanation of Dutch policy is usually sought based on a combination of internaland external factors. In general, comparative analyses and research into its effectiveness are still conspicuous by their absence. All in all, there are more similarities than differences between recent political and historical studies on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy.

The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries. This is the Dutch language edition! This study is also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism - De toegenomen spanningen rondom radicale moslims en radicale stromingen binnen de politieke islam manifesteren zich niet alleen in het Westen maar vooral ook binnen de moslimwereld zelf. Al sinds de jaren '70 komen stromingen en politieke bewegingen op die zich richten tegen de status quo. Zij pleiten voor vergaande islamisering: het funderen van de politiek, het recht en de samenleving op islamitische grondslagen. Deze studie van de WRR analyseert de ontwikkelingen in het islamitisch denken, het politiek activisme, de samenleving en het recht sinds de jaren zeventig. In hoeverre is er sprake van een succesvolle islamisering? Welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de pogingen binnen en buiten de moslimwereld om te komen tot (verdere) democratisering en meer respect voor mensenrechten? En wat kunnen Nederland en de Europese Unie doen om ontwikkelingen in die richting te bevorderen? De studie baseert zich onder meer op uitvoerige "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">empirische studies van deskundigen naar de verandering van het islamitisch denken en naar de rechtsdynamiek in twaalf verschillende moslimlanden. Ook verschenen in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism

The present article discusses the differences between the Islam debate in the Netherlands and its European neighboring countries and whether the Dutch perception of Muslims, Islam and themes related to fundamentalism and terrorism differ from those in other countries. The article explains that the decrease in tolerance as experienced over the last years is only partly similar with developments in other West-European societies and structures the discussion around 4 subjects: essentialist monists (rejecting the presence of Islam and Muslims in Western societies); evolutionary monists (rejecting the integration of the Muslim culture in a western society, but not the Muslims); essentialist pluralists (multicultural aspirations, rejecting western superiority and welcoming Islam and Muslims without far stretching adaptation by the cultures involved); and evolutionary pluralists (integration of the autochthonous and foreign culture). The article concludes by stating the Dutch multiculturalism will remain through a rapid cultural modernization of the country on the one hand, and an only partly assumed World War II trauma on the other. O. van Zijl

De Nederlandse koopvaardij kende al vroeg een mondiale arbeidsmarkt. Vooral na de intrede van de stoomvaart aan het einde van de negentiende eeuw werden zeevarenden ook buiten de eigen grenzen gerekruteerd. In de havens en aan boord van de schepen werkten onder andere Nederlandse, Chinese, Indonesische, Engelse en West-Indische zeelieden. De internationale maritieme arbeidsmarkt werd grotendeels gekenmerkt door elkaar beconcurrerende (etnische) groepen en een raciaal scheidingsprincipe waarbij Chinezen in de machinekamer werkten, Javanen in de bediening en Nederlanders de beter betaalde functi

While Christian Democratic parties in several Western European countries are often said to be in crisis, the European People's Party holds the largest parliamentary group in the European Parliament since 1999. This paradox relies on the specificity of the different 'national' electoral logics, on the one hand, & the realization of a long-term 'European' majority strategy, on the other. The alliance with Conservatives & Conservative parties has to overcome an absolute electoral decline in 'old' EU countries & a relative decline through the accession of 'new' member states without Christian Democratic parties. The EPP majority strategy is realized through various ways: the key position of the transnational party & party group, the role of political leadership, the way of decision making, the cooperation with side organizations, the problem solving of ideological conflicts, etc. Our analysis proves how the majority strategy of the European Christian Democrats realizes its ultimate 'survival strategy' despite (or thanks to) several national party crises. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Following some general observations on the growing secularization of Western societies & after producing statistical data documenting the percentages of Muslim populations in Belgium & the Netherlands, three major issues are addressed from a Belgian perspective: (1) Islam bashing in the context of the recognition of freedom of religions & worldviews in a modern democratic society, (2) policies & attitudes toward visible religious symbols worn in public places; the banning of the hijab (the headscarf worn by Muslim females) in Antwerp public schools, & (3) the degree of separation between state & religion in Belgium. It is argued that the Islamic religion should not be associated with violence, terrorism, or oppression of women; Islam should be integrated on equal rights with other religions into the Belgian society, while emancipative & liberal movements within it should be actively supported. The banning of head scarves for Muslim teachers & students in Flanders is assessed from the broader perspective of similar policies, either implemented or planned, in France, Germany, & other European countries. Articles from the Belgian constitution are quoted to illustrate that the separation between state & religion in this country is incomplete; although the government adopts a neutral stance toward all worldviews, the state recognizes six official religions whose practice is partially supported with tax-payer's money & their clergy receive state pension; the favoring of the Catholic Church in this arrangement is pointed out. It is concluded on a general note that despite the secularization of the society, religious issues figure prominently in the public sphere. Z. Dubiel

THE STUDY OF CORRUPTION IS PURSUED ALONG ECOLOGICAL LINES, FOCUSING ON THE INTERRELATIONSHIP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. IF POLITICS IS DEFINED IN TERMS OF VALUES, POWER, & PUBLIC POLICY, THEN AN ADMINISTRATOR MAY BE CONSIDERED A 'POLITICIAN' IN MANY RESPECTS, ALTHOUGH HE IS OPERATING IN A MORE STRUCTURED CONTEXT & SUBJECT TO DIFFERENT NORMS (ADMINISTRATIVE OUTPUT-CULTURE, VS POLITICIAN'S INPUT-CULTURE). WHETHER CORRUPTION IS DEFINED AS THE VIOLATION OF NORMS, AS SELF-INTERESTED BEHAVIOR, OR AS A TRANSACTION, THE VARIOUS FORMS OF CORRUPTION MAY BE EXPLAINED BY THE CONFUSION & OVERLAP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. OFFICIAL POSITIONS MAY SERVE AS SPOILS, USED AS POLITICAL RESOURCE, OR CORRUPT LOYALITIES MAY GUIDE AN ADMINISTRATOR'S BEHAVIOR; THE LATTER MAY BE RELATED TO THE INFORMAL ORGANIZATION WITHIN THE BUREAUCRACY OR TO THE SOCIAL & POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT. IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, INTERNAL BUREAUCRATIC COMPETITION & ENVIRONMENTAL NEEDS FOR CORRUPT INFLUENCE ON PUBLIC POLICY ARE ESPECIALLY STRONG BECAUSE OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS, DISRUPTIVE CONTACT BETWEEN TRADITIONAL & WESTERN NORMS & ROLES, & BECAUSE OF AN INCREASING IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION UPON THE CULTURALLY DISTANT LOCAL COMMUNITIES. CULTURAL CONFUSION & POLITICAL EXCLUSION OF MANY GROUPS LEAVE CORRUPTION AS THE ONLY EFFECTIVE MEANS TO INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY AT THE OUTPUT STAGE. MODIFIED HA.

Te veel nationalisme kan doorslaan of ontaarden in imperialisme. Maar te weinig nationalisme is niet minder gevaarlijk. Recente ontwikkelingen - de aanslag in Noorwegen, de rellen in Engeland - laten zien wat er kan gebeuren als een samenleving desintegreert; en de patstelling in de Belgische politiek toont hoe een staat uiteindelijk onbestuurbaar kan worden als een gedeeld natiebesef ontbreekt. In dit boek gaat Baudet terug naar de oorsprong van de moderne staten in de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw en volgt hij hun ontwikkeling tot aan het heden. Hij laat zien dat de democratische rechtsstaat voor zijn functioneren afhankelijk is van precies de soevereiniteit en de nationale identiteit die de West-Europese elites de afgelopen decennia juist hebben afgebroken. En hij betoogt dat waar in het verleden een teveel aan nationalisme het gevaar was, de grote bedreiging in de eenentwintigste eeuw interne sociale desintegratie is

This article provides an overview and a broad comparison of the development of party membership in European democracies and discusses the implications of the decline in party membership for our understanding of party organization and party democracy. Our study provides an update of reporting by Mair and Van Rush (2001), which followed the study of Katz, Mair et al. (1992). The analysis covers the period from the late 1980s until the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The number of countries that is included is expanded (to 27), so our study now includes almost all European democracies, including the long-established democracies in Western Europe, the more recent democracies in Southern Europe as well as post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. The data we present are based on direct, individual membership figures as reported by the parties (in the article we show, moreover, that there is a strong correlation with the data come from survey research exists, however disadvantage of the survey data is that this level of party membership systematically overestimate). We analyze both the level of party membership expressed in raw numbers (M) and the party membership as a percentage of the electorate (M / E), an indicator that is more suitable for transnational comparisons. Adapted from the source document.

Voluntary cooperation has not worked adequately for the administration of the large Ur agglomerations that resulted from Belgium's municipal amalgamations. In fact, large-scale amalgamation of municipalities has been more of a problem than a solution in most Western European countries, involving additional often complicated administrative levels. However, existing administrative levels can often suffice, with a balanced redistribution of administrative tasks. Territorial adjustments must be based primarily on functional considerations, but must also consider the existing administrative levels. Modified HA.

The author introduces the article by describing why the term Jihad-terrorism shouldn't be used (it's not an ideology, but a method; the term hammers on an intrinsic link between Islam and violence). The Belgian international attitude stresses that a wrong perception within European policy will actually lead to an anti-Western radicalization, and that terminology is part of that. The article continues with four EU anti-terror strategies: proactive: prevention and protection; reactive: prosecution and response. Regarding suppression of radicalization and recruitment, three factors are mentioned: facilitating factors within a globalized world (travel and communication, money operations, internet availability); an anti-western enemy perception; structural environmental factors, the so-called root causes (social circumstances, democratic imperfection, modernization badly directed, economic and political perspectives, unsolved conflicts, lack of education). Two additional principles for Belgium: 1) fundamental rights and freedoms; 2) suppression of Jihad-terrorism in cooperation with Muslim countries. References. O. van Zijl