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We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

The paper analyzes the descriptive representation of women in post-communist countries, that is, the factors determining the representation of women in parliaments in postsocialist states. The main problem is that women are underrepresented in the analyzed sample of countries. With the average of 17 percent, the number of women falls behind the world's average and lags severely behind Western countries. The paper sets its primary goal: to test a set of theories developed from studies of women's access to political power in Western democracies. I wished to see how those theories fared in a significantly different context, the newly developing democracies of post-communist space. Three hypotheses were raised: 1. The main factor, determining the representation of women in parliaments of post-communist states is the design of electoral system; 2. The prevailing patriarchal attitude towards the role of women in the society is important, but not the essential factor; 3. Socioeconomic conditions do not explain the variance of the proportion of women found in legislative institutions of post-communist countries. Three last elections of 17 electoral democracies of post-communist countries have been included in the analysis. The model of legislative recruitment process has been used as the main theoretical framework. This process is highly influenced by cultural, political and socioeconomic contexts within which it occurs. The dependent variable in the research is the number of women legislators in parliaments. 3 independent variables – political, socioeconomic and cultural factors – have been divided into subfactors. Statistical analysis has been undertaken: correlation coefficients have been calculated and multivariate regression analysis has been made. Results demonstrate that the first hypothesis cannot be confirmed, but its statement is close to the truth. It appears that the main factor, determining the representation of women in post-communist countries, is fertility rate per woman. The higher the rate of fertility, the less women will be found in the legislatures. Electoral system is a very important variable. The proportional representation electoral system, characterized by high district magnitude and high electoral thresholds, is highly favourable to representation of women in parliaments. The second hypothesis, stating that patriarchal attitude towards women is important, but not the essential factor, has been confirmed. Countries where patriarchal attitude is prevalent, fare worse in representation of women. However, considering the remarkable differences between the attitudes of Western and post-communist countries, it could have been reasonable to expect that this factor would be the main determining the number of female legislators. However, this is not the case. Such attitude is common to all post-communist countries, so it probably operates as a main factor determining the relatively low number in post-communist states as a whole, and not as important in explaining the variation across the region. The third hypothesis, stating that socioeconomic factors do not affect the representation of women, has not been confirmed. Fertility rate, unemployment, and participation in labor force are all important factors explaining the variance of female MPs. The only factor that proved to be unimportant was level of development. So it can be stated, that the theories, developed in Western countries, with little nuances, are able to explain the variance of women MPs in post-communist states. The only difference is that fertility rate plays a particularly important role in post-communist context, and the relation between the participation of women in the labor force and the number of women in parliaments is negative. This can be due to the fact that participation in labor force refers to completely different things in Western and Eastern societies.

The paper analyzes the descriptive representation of women in post-communist countries, that is, the factors determining the representation of women in parliaments in postsocialist states. The main problem is that women are underrepresented in the analyzed sample of countries. With the average of 17 percent, the number of women falls behind the world's average and lags severely behind Western countries. The paper sets its primary goal: to test a set of theories developed from studies of women's access to political power in Western democracies. I wished to see how those theories fared in a significantly different context, the newly developing democracies of post-communist space. Three hypotheses were raised: 1. The main factor, determining the representation of women in parliaments of post-communist states is the design of electoral system; 2. The prevailing patriarchal attitude towards the role of women in the society is important, but not the essential factor; 3. Socioeconomic conditions do not explain the variance of the proportion of women found in legislative institutions of post-communist countries. Three last elections of 17 electoral democracies of post-communist countries have been included in the analysis. The model of legislative recruitment process has been used as the main theoretical framework. This process is highly influenced by cultural, political and socioeconomic contexts within which it occurs. The dependent variable in the research is the number of women legislators in parliaments. 3 independent variables – political, socioeconomic and cultural factors – have been divided into subfactors. Statistical analysis has been undertaken: correlation coefficients have been calculated and multivariate regression analysis has been made. Results demonstrate that the first hypothesis cannot be confirmed, but its statement is close to the truth. It appears that the main factor, determining the representation of women in post-communist countries, is fertility rate per woman. The higher the rate of fertility, the less women will be found in the legislatures. Electoral system is a very important variable. The proportional representation electoral system, characterized by high district magnitude and high electoral thresholds, is highly favourable to representation of women in parliaments. The second hypothesis, stating that patriarchal attitude towards women is important, but not the essential factor, has been confirmed. Countries where patriarchal attitude is prevalent, fare worse in representation of women. However, considering the remarkable differences between the attitudes of Western and post-communist countries, it could have been reasonable to expect that this factor would be the main determining the number of female legislators. However, this is not the case. Such attitude is common to all post-communist countries, so it probably operates as a main factor determining the relatively low number in post-communist states as a whole, and not as important in explaining the variation across the region. The third hypothesis, stating that socioeconomic factors do not affect the representation of women, has not been confirmed. Fertility rate, unemployment, and participation in labor force are all important factors explaining the variance of female MPs. The only factor that proved to be unimportant was level of development. So it can be stated, that the theories, developed in Western countries, with little nuances, are able to explain the variance of women MPs in post-communist states. The only difference is that fertility rate plays a particularly important role in post-communist context, and the relation between the participation of women in the labor force and the number of women in parliaments is negative. This can be due to the fact that participation in labor force refers to completely different things in Western and Eastern societies.

Food security situation in EU countries is evaluated with reference to theoretical and empirical material. Aim of the article – to evaluate food security possibilities in European Union. Object of the article – food security. Methods used: analysis of scientific literature, method of descriptive statistics analysis. In the article according to the collected theoretical and practical material, the food security indicators in Europe countries are analysed and food security situation in Western Europe, Baltic and Easten Europe counties is evaluated. The first part of this article considers the concept of food security. Food security concept involves these dimensions of food security: a) availability of food, b) access to food, c) food utilization, d) stability, and e) vulnerability. Research methodology is discussed in the second part of the article. Main food security indicators for comparison are chosen based on theoretical and analytical analysis. The third part of this article presents the evaluation of food security in Baltic and Easten European countries.

Food security situation in EU countries is evaluated with reference to theoretical and empirical material. Aim of the article – to evaluate food security possibilities in European Union. Object of the article – food security. Methods used: analysis of scientific literature, method of descriptive statistics analysis. In the article according to the collected theoretical and practical material, the food security indicators in Europe countries are analysed and food security situation in Western Europe, Baltic and Easten Europe counties is evaluated. The first part of this article considers the concept of food security. Food security concept involves these dimensions of food security: a) availability of food, b) access to food, c) food utilization, d) stability, and e) vulnerability. Research methodology is discussed in the second part of the article. Main food security indicators for comparison are chosen based on theoretical and analytical analysis. The third part of this article presents the evaluation of food security in Baltic and Easten European countries.

Food security situation in EU countries is evaluated with reference to theoretical and empirical material. Aim of the article – to evaluate food security possibilities in European Union. Object of the article – food security. Methods used: analysis of scientific literature, method of descriptive statistics analysis. In the article according to the collected theoretical and practical material, the food security indicators in Europe countries are analysed and food security situation in Western Europe, Baltic and Easten Europe counties is evaluated. The first part of this article considers the concept of food security. Food security concept involves these dimensions of food security: a) availability of food, b) access to food, c) food utilization, d) stability, and e) vulnerability. Research methodology is discussed in the second part of the article. Main food security indicators for comparison are chosen based on theoretical and analytical analysis. The third part of this article presents the evaluation of food security in Baltic and Easten European countries.

Food security situation in EU countries is evaluated with reference to theoretical and empirical material. Aim of the article – to evaluate food security possibilities in European Union. Object of the article – food security. Methods used: analysis of scientific literature, method of descriptive statistics analysis. In the article according to the collected theoretical and practical material, the food security indicators in Europe countries are analysed and food security situation in Western Europe, Baltic and Easten Europe counties is evaluated. The first part of this article considers the concept of food security. Food security concept involves these dimensions of food security: a) availability of food, b) access to food, c) food utilization, d) stability, and e) vulnerability. Research methodology is discussed in the second part of the article. Main food security indicators for comparison are chosen based on theoretical and analytical analysis. The third part of this article presents the evaluation of food security in Baltic and Easten European countries.

Food security situation in EU countries is evaluated with reference to theoretical and empirical material. Aim of the article – to evaluate food security possibilities in European Union. Object of the article – food security. Methods used: analysis of scientific literature, method of descriptive statistics analysis. In the article according to the collected theoretical and practical material, the food security indicators in Europe countries are analysed and food security situation in Western Europe, Baltic and Easten Europe counties is evaluated. The first part of this article considers the concept of food security. Food security concept involves these dimensions of food security: a) availability of food, b) access to food, c) food utilization, d) stability, and e) vulnerability. Research methodology is discussed in the second part of the article. Main food security indicators for comparison are chosen based on theoretical and analytical analysis. The third part of this article presents the evaluation of food security in Baltic and Easten European countries.

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].

By using various works of media theoreticians, in the article there are analyzed processes and changes in the constructing of political spectacle (described by Murray Edelman) which appeared in media at the time of postsoviet transition. After disintegration of Soviet Union, new media systems developed in newly independent countries. Those systems are different from their welldescribed analogues in Western Europe or United States because of their individual circumstances. Post -soviet transitionhad three stages: breakthrough, reformation and stabilization, and different circumstances. Different circumstances during the process of those stages formed distinctive relations between media and government in various countries. During these processes two different media models emerged: free model and subordinated mode!. In countries with free model media was concentrated to the profit: quality and trust in media dropped and constructing of political spectacle be came less effective. In countries with subordinated model, power and influence served as a basis for the media; because of that media crisis became insignificant and forrning ofpolitical spectacle was formed to be more effective.