Suchergebnisse

The main objective of the article is to show that the temporary symbiosis between centres of political power and organized crime leads to the development of permanent, corrupt and opaque networks. Focusing on the countries of the Western Balkans, the author points to the reasons for the development of organized crime in the region and then to the conditions created in the post-conflict period that resulted in the failure of effective attempts to stop organized crime and the corruption that facilitates it in the these countries. The article also points out that the creation of symbiotic relationships between political elites and organized crime groups leads to a 'state capture.' The unresolved problems of corruption and organized crime, in turn, have a direct impact on these countries' EU-integration processes.

In 2015, global public opinion was shaken by the migration crisis, as wave after wave of refugees from the Middle East, primarily from Syria, tried to get from Turkey and Greece to Western Europe via the so-called 'Balkan Route'. In time, the situation only seemed to be resolved. In the Balkan countries, there still are, according to estimates, tens of thousands of migrants who failed to get farther west, and more are constantly arriving. Meanwhile, since 2018, one can speak of a new, though a much smaller wave of immigrants who are trying to get from Greece to Croatia (and thus to the European Union), increasingly often bypassing Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina along the way. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the phenomenon of the so-called 'New Balkan Route' and the problems it creates for the Balkans.

EU membership has been a compelling goal for the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia), related to the bloc's stability, economic prosperity and higher standard of living. Each of these countries pursues its own process of EU accession while being also a part of the regional initiatives under the auspices of the EU. This paper provides an overview of the EU accession process of the Western Balkan countries, focusing on their individual achievements and challenges, as well as common features and problems. Also, the content andprospects of regional integration of the Western Balkans through the Regional Economic Area (REA) programme, along with the role of the EU in supporting the regional perspective are discussed. The parallel Western Balkans engagement in both processes supports arguments for the prioritisation of the individual countries' accession to the EU over Western Balkans regional integration, distinguishing also the challenges of both processes. The methodology for the elaboration of this paper includes methods of analysis and synthesis, based on extensive desk research of available materials.

In the introduction the author underlines the importance and role of the foreign trade in the socialist economy. The rate of increase in the trade with abroad in CMEA countries ought to undergo a considerable acceleration and surpass the rate of increase of the national income and industrial production. In the course of the last years the socialist countries have done and still do big efforts aiming at extension and deepening of the profits of economical relations with highly developed West European countries. These efforts were expressed in active cooperation in bilateral talks that were to lead to liberalization of export to CMEA and EFTA countries, to the membership of GATT reacted by some of the socialist countries and in finished negotiations under the name of Kennedy Round. In that way we theoretically reached the approach to western markets — that in general depends on the quality of exported goods, their attractive price, short terms of delivery and profitable sale conditions for foreign contractive parties — this fact however does not solve the problem. Liberalization of import to CMEA and EFTA countries secures the approach to the west markets only in formal and legal terms. But there exists still another aspect of the problem. These markets got under control of the state and international concerns. The introduction of a new competitor is very difficult in that situation. A solution could be found in creating such a situation in which our presence on the West markets would be not only a competition but simultaneously a form of cooperation, profitable for our partners. Cooperation in the international scale would be the required form. Further on, the author discussed in the article three forms of cooperation: licence agreements in the branch of building and exporting machines, gadgets and agreements for cooperation with West enterprises in the aim of supplying on the markets of the third world. The author dealt as well with forms of scientific and technical cooperation and discussed profits of cooperation for both sides. Finishing the article the author put forward the thesis that cooperation helps to enliven the economical relations between East and West. Of course only under the condition that it will be only economical form of international cooperation with no political strings. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

For past decades the two major consumers of Ukrainian products have been the CIS countries and the EU, both making up to 55% of the foreign trade turnover. An enactment of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area in 2016 has significantly boosted the trade between Ukraine and the EU Member States and, from other hand, has indirectly contributed to the reduction of trade with key CIS partners. In result, basically, has occurred a reorientation of Ukrainian trade from Eastern partners to Western. The analysis of the foreign trade of Ukraine for the period 2010–2019 has proved the thesis that Ukraine has gained first of all quantitatively in trade integration with the EU and lost first of all qualitatively in diminished trade with the CIS.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The creation of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI), the political and economic format for 12 EU countries, is accompanied by a growing interest on the part of world powers and non-EU countries in the region. The aim of the research is to analyse the involvement of three Eastern European countries, namely Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova in projects developed under TSI. The research used a neorealistic approach. These countries belong to the post-Soviet area and, apart from Belarus, show a willingness to cooperate with Western institutions, which arouses a strong reaction from the Russian Federation. The research will result in determining their participation in projects implemented by TSI, including energy, transport, and digital infrastructure. These countries are on the way to working more closely with the Initiative, possibly under the new TSI plus format. The United States supports the expansion of the Three Seas Initiative.

Autor przyjął założenia badawcze oparte na teorii realizmu politycznego. To pozwoliło mu przeanalizować kryzys ukraiński jako rywalizację mocarstw o Ukrainę. W rywalizacji tej z jednej strony uczestniczy Zachód, tj. USA i Unia Europejska, a z drugiej strony Rosja. Artykuł przedstawia motywy obu stron, uwzględniając w stanowisku Zachodu motywy zaangażowania Polski. Niejako dla zobiektywizowania analizy ukazuje stanowisko strony trzeciej, tj. mocarstw azjatyckich Indii i Chin oraz niezależnych ekspertów z krajów zachodnich. Następnie wskazuje na konsekwencje kryzysu ukraińskiego dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w Europie. W ostatniej części podejmuje próbę ukazania szans znalezienia porozumienia Zachodu z Rosją w celu rozwiązania kryzysu ukraińskiego. Stwierdza, że jest to potrzebne i możliwe, jednak pod warunkiem rezygnacji przez zaangażowane strony z "absolutnej satysfakcji" i zdecydowania się na kompromisowe rozwiązanie. ; The author has adopted the assumptions based on the theory of political realism. This allowed him to analyse the Ukraine crisis as powers rivalry on Ukraine. In this competition, on the one hand, attending West, the United States and the European Union and Russia, on the other hand. The paper presents reasons of both sides, taking into account within the position of the West the motives of Poland's involvement. To make the analysis objective it shows the position of a third party, i.e. Asian powers India and China, and independent experts from Western countries. Then the paper points the Ukraine crisis consequences for international security in Europe. In the last part attempts to show the chances of reaching an agreement between the West and Russia to solve the Ukraine crisis. It states that it is necessary and possible, but subject to the abandonment by the parties involved "absolute satisfaction" and decide on a compromise solution.

Autorzy zadają pytania o formy i rodzaje działalności publicznej Kurdów w Polsce w ciągu ostatniego półwiecza, o wpływ transformacji ustrojowej na tą działalność, a także o różnice i podobieństwa między działalnością diaspory kurdyjskiej w Polsce i w krajach zachodnich. Posługując się analizą dokumentów i literatury naukowej oraz obserwacją działalności opisywanych przez siebie organizacji, autorzy zwracają uwagę na różnice demograficzne między diasporą polską a diasporami zachodnimi, postępujące integrowanie się działalności publicznej Kurdów w Polsce z polskim życiem publicznym oraz na problem braku umiejętności wykorzystania kapitału społecznego członków diaspory do osiągania wspólnych, długofalowych celów. ; The authors raise questions about the forms and types of public activity of Kurds in Poland during the last half-century, the impact of the political transformation on this activity, and the similarities and differences between the activities of Kurdish minorities in Poland and in Western countries. On the basis of an analysis of documents and academic studies, as well as examining the organizations described, the authors point to the demographic differences between Kurdish minorities in Poland and in the West, the advancing integration of Kurdish public activity with Polish public life and, finally, the inability to use the social capital of members of this minority for achieving common, long-term goals.

Autorzy zadają pytania o formy i rodzaje działalności publicznej Kurdów w Polsce w ciągu ostatniego półwiecza, o wpływ transformacji ustrojowej na tą działalność, a także o różnice i podobieństwa między działalnością diaspory kurdyjskiej w Polsce i w krajach zachodnich. Posługując się analizą dokumentów i literatury naukowej oraz obserwacją działalności opisywanych przez siebie organizacji, autorzy zwracają uwagę na różnice demograficzne między diasporą polską a diasporami zachodnimi, postępujące integrowanie się działalności publicznej Kurdów w Polsce z polskim życiem publicznym oraz na problem braku umiejętności wykorzystania kapitału społecznego członków diaspory do osiągania wspólnych, długofalowych celów. ; The authors raise questions about the forms and types of public activity of Kurds in Poland during the last half-century, the impact of the political transformation on this activity, and the similarities and differences between the activities of Kurdish minorities in Poland and in Western countries. On the basis of an analysis of documents and academic studies, as well as examining the organizations described, the authors point to the demographic differences between Kurdish minorities in Poland and in the West, the advancing integration of Kurdish public activity with Polish public life and, finally, the inability to use the social capital of members of this minority for achieving common, long-term goals.

The primary purpose of this article is to explain the meaning and consequences of foreign fighters' participation from Western Balkan countries (WB6) in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq. In the first part, the issue of foreign fighters is discussed in historical terms. The author focuses on the examples of the Soviet inva-sion of Afghanistan and the ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part of the text, the definition framework of foreign fighters' concept and its evolution towards foreign terrorist-fighters is dis-cussed. Then, a detailed analysis of the main problem is conducted, and several research questions are an-swered: 1) What is the scale of the phenomenon of Balkan volunteers (e.g., their number, the structure of origin, and others) in comparison to fighters from other regions? 2) What are their motivations and goals, and what are their recruitment process and ways of moving into the war zone? 3) What is the threat posed by returning fight-ers to the security of the Western Balkans, and how do individual states counteract this phenomenon? The au-thor uses mainly the following research methods: critical content analysis (literature, scientific articles, docu-ments, reports, press materials), and historical and comparative analysis. The author's visits to this country in 2018-2020 constituted an essential contribution to the part concerning the case of Kosovo.

The author analyzing in his article following problems: Conditioning of security for the Western system; Western countries in the global environment in the demographic-economic dimension; Urban centers in the Global South and they influence on western strength; Poland in Europe and in the Western System; Strength or Demise of European multiculturalism. As the European people are in the process of aging, the Old Continent need immigrants, but it must repair the damage that disengagement has brought about. Europe needs a renewal of the civic society based on the proper politics of assimilation and multiculturalism stemming from the tendency to institutionalize. However, the situation now is very difficult as the result of aggressive act of the Islamic State and the wave of immigrants, not only refugees. The main task of this paper is to explain the currently situation without providing any recommendations. ; The author analyzing in his article following problems: Conditioning of security for the Western system; Western countries in the global environment in the demographic-economic dimension; Urban centers in the Global South and they influence on western strength; Poland in Europe and in the Western System; Strength or Demise of European multiculturalism. As the European people are in the process of aging, the Old Continent need immigrants, but it must repair the damage that disengagement has brought about. Europe needs a renewal of the civic society based on the proper politics of assimilation and multiculturalism stemming from the tendency to institutionalize. However, the situation now is very difficult as the result of aggressive act of the Islamic State and the wave of immigrants, not only refugees. The main task of this paper is to explain the currently situation without providing any recommendations.

The article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of sanctions administered by Western countries against Iran over a period of forty years (1979–2019). It is hypothesised that coordinated sanctions by the United States and European countries could enable them to achieve the main goal: curtail Iran's nuclear programme, which is perceived by the West as a serious threat to international security. The paper presents the reasons for the United States imposing sanctions on Iran, the evolution of the European position on the validity of their administration, and the mechanisms and effects of Western countries' cooperation in exerting economic pressure on Iran. It also evaluates the implementation of U.S. and European sanction objectives in order to determine the reasons for the withdrawal of the United States in 2018 from the 2015 agreement signed with Iran. ; Artykuł ma na celu ocenę skuteczności sankcji stosowanych przez państwa Zachodu wobec Iranu w okresie 40 lat (1979–2019). We wstępie postawiono hipotezę, że skoordynowane sankcje Stanów Zjednoczonych i państw europejskich mogą doprowadzić do osiągnięcia głównego celu wobec Iranu: ograniczenia programu nuklearnego rozwijanego przez to państwo. Program ten był postrzegany przez Zachód jako poważne zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Przedstawiono powody nałożenia sankcji na Iran przez USA, ewolucję stanowiska europejskiego wobec ich stosowania oraz mechanizmy i skutki współpracy państw Zachodu w wywieraniu presji gospodarczej na Iran. Oceniono realizację amerykańskich i europejskich celów sankcji, tak, by zrozumieć powody wycofania się w 2018 r. Stanów Zjednoczonych z podpisanego w 2015 r. porozumienia z Iranem.

The article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of sanctions administered by Western countries against Iran over a period of forty years (1979–2019). It is hypothesised that coordinated sanctions by the United States and European countries could enable them to achieve the main goal: curtail Iran's nuclear programme, which is perceived by the West as a serious threat to international security. The paper presents the reasons for the United States imposing sanctions on Iran, the evolution of the European position on the validity of their administration, and the mechanisms and effects of Western countries' cooperation in exerting economic pressure on Iran. It also evaluates the implementation of U.S. and European sanction objectives in order to determine the reasons for the withdrawal of the United States in 2018 from the 2015 agreement signed with Iran. ; Artykuł ma na celu ocenę skuteczności sankcji stosowanych przez państwa Zachodu wobec Iranu w okresie 40 lat (1979–2019). We wstępie postawiono hipotezę, że skoordynowane sankcje Stanów Zjednoczonych i państw europejskich mogą doprowadzić do osiągnięcia głównego celu wobec Iranu: ograniczenia programu nuklearnego rozwijanego przez to państwo. Program ten był postrzegany przez Zachód jako poważne zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Przedstawiono powody nałożenia sankcji na Iran przez USA, ewolucję stanowiska europejskiego wobec ich stosowania oraz mechanizmy i skutki współpracy państw Zachodu w wywieraniu presji gospodarczej na Iran. Oceniono realizację amerykańskich i europejskich celów sankcji, tak, by zrozumieć powody wycofania się w 2018 r. Stanów Zjednoczonych z podpisanego w 2015 r. porozumienia z Iranem.