Suchergebnisse

With the development of technology and transportation, the communication between China and the west has increased in almost every field such as economy, culture, and politics. Obviously, marriage as the most important part of life is a hit issue of cross-cultural communication.This paper aims at exploring the differences between marriage concepts between Chinese and western cultures and giving some proposals on how to minimize the communication mistake in marriage and marriage purposes. It will be helpful in cross-cultural communication about marriage concepts.

The article discusses the interaction of Russia with Western countries in the military-industrial sphere at the beginning of the XXI century. Due to the fact that the military-industrial complex (MIC) of Russia remains a key aspect of the development of not only military-specialized facilities, but also the majority of facilities focused on providing civilian industry - light, food, woodworking, chemical industries, in this regard, a special attention is paid to the role of the military-industrial complex in the country's economy, the role of the export of military equipment and its specific impact on relations with Western countries is revealed. The military-industrial complex serves not only as the basis for ensuring national security, but also in military-technical cooperation with other countries. The beginning of the XXI century for Russia was an important period of rethinking the reforms of the 1990s. Putin's victory in the Russian presidential election in 2000 marked the beginning of a new phase of political and military reform. Currently, there are processes associated with the supply of weapons, military equipment to other countries in the conditions of instability of the modern world system, which also cannot be denied. The main question is how, in the context of internal reforms and external, not always successful interaction, to return to the previous level of influence on the world stage.

Although much is known about changes in the conjugal family, little is known about trends in contact between parents and adult (independently living) children. Using unique survey data, we study changes in contact with the mother and the father in five western countries over a 15-year period (Austria, West Germany, Great Britain, the United States, and Italy). We describe changes and we examine the role of compositional changes in the trend. We find no evidence for a decline in intergenerational contact, in contrast to notions of individualism. In two countries, there has been an increase in contact with the mother and in three countries no net trend is observed. Contact with the father has not changed. Other forms of contact (e.g., telephone contact) have increased. Some compositional changes have had a downward pressure on the trend, leading to a decline in contact (i.e., rising education, declining church attendance), but these pressures have been compensated by counteracting compositional changes (declining sibsize) and by behavioral changes.

Scholars disagree over whether Islam hinders the development of liberal democracy in Muslim‐majority countries. We contribute to this debate by assessing the influence of Islam at the individual and national levels on ethnic, racial, and religious tolerance in 23 countries. Our analyses are based on a set of multilevel models fitted to World Values Survey data and national‐level contextual information from various sources. Our findings suggest that people living in Muslim‐majority countries tend to be less tolerant than are those living in Western countries. Although a significant part of this difference is attributable to variation in level of economic development and income inequality, Muslim countries remain less tolerant even after controlling for these factors. On the other hand, controlling for other individual‐level factors, nonpracticing Muslims in Western countries are more tolerant than are all others in both Muslim‐majority and Western countries. This finding challenges common claims about the effects of Islam as a religion on tolerance, suggesting that it is Islamic political regimes—not Islam itself—that pose problems for social tolerance.Les chercheurs ont des opinions divergentes à savoir si l'islam freine le développement d'une démocratie libérale dans les pays à majorité musulmane. Nous contribuons à ce débat en évaluant l'influence de l'islam aux niveaux individuel et national sur la tolérance ethnique, raciale et religieuse dans 23 pays. Nos analyses sont basées sur un ensemble de modèles à plusieurs niveaux ajustés en fonction des données du World Values Survey et de l'information contextuelle au niveau national ayant été obtenue auprès de diverses sources. Nos constatations suggèrent que les personnes vivant dans des pays à majorité musulmane ont tendance à être moins tolérantes que celles vivant dans les pays occidentaux. Bien qu'une grande partie de cette différence soit attribuable à la variation du niveau de développement économique et à l'inégalité de revenu, les pays musulmans demeurent moins tolérants, même après le contrôle de ces facteurs. En revanche, en contrôlant d'autres facteurs au niveau individuel, les musulmans non pratiquants des pays occidentaux sont plus tolérants que tous les autres des pays à majorité musulmane et des pays occidentaux. Cette constatation s'élève contre les allégations communes au sujet des effets de l'islam comme religion sur la tolérance, suggérant que ce sont les régimes politiques islamiques, et non pas l'islam en soi, qui posent des problèmes en ce qui a trait à la tolérance sociale.

The failure of top‐down imposed institutional reform for metropolitan areas in the western world has called for new conceptions of institution‐building. A bottom up, governance type approach is now considered in various countries which focuses on flexible, voluntary and partnership elements of collective action through which institution is no longer considered as a ready‐made object but as a process. A large part of the literature insists upon the effectiveness of this approach through the search for consensus and highlights its internal elements as conditions of success. However, this conception forgets the political and ideological dimensions of institution‐building and, consequently, the likely conflicts and obstacles unresolved by governance. This article discusses the relationships between metropolitan government and governance taking a few western urban areas as examples and questions the apparent success of the ongoing metropolitan experiences.

The paper deals with the representations of Nina P. Khrushcheva in Western countries in the late 1950s – early 1960s. Referring to the analysis of unpublished documents about the plans for Khrushcheva's stay abroad, lists of gifts, photos and videos, the author attempts to identify the features of Khrushcheva's demonstration in Western counties. Despite the presence of joint representations with N. S. Khrushchev, Nina Petrovna appeared as an independent person in part of the photographs. The latter were due to her independent activities, such as visits to social or cultural institutions. Khrushcheva was also present in the newsreel, but performed the role of a "silent witness", since there is not a single frame in which she would speak. Nina Petrovna received a large number of gifts from abroad. However, most of them had domestic, not state significance. Therefore, on the one hand, the presence of several formats of representations of the Soviet first lady indicates a change in the positioning of the Soviet Union abroad. The inclusion of Nina Petrovna in the composition of delegations for trips to foreign countries contributed to the integration of the USSR into the system of international relations, following Western norms of public diplomacy and adapting the role of the spouse of the head of state to the ideas of foreigners about the functions of the first lady of the country. Nevertheless, the forced "silence" on the video and the absence of gifts of national significance indicate the lack of political representativeness of Khrushcheva.

This qualitative study explored the experiences of 34 Muslim individuals in four Western countries to gain a better understanding of their experiences with prejudice and discrimination following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. An intersectional lens reveals the interlocking nature of identity, oppression, and privilege, and the findings provide insights into what helps affected individuals and communities be resilient in the face of persistent anti-Muslim sentiment. The social work profession is called on to take a leadership role in addressing the stigmatization of Muslims as a social justice issue and to take action to ameliorate its causes and consequences.