Sir Arthur Tange was perhaps the most powerful Secretary of the Australian Defence Department and one of the most powerful of the great 'mandarins' who dominated the Commonwealth Public Service between the 1940s and the 1970s. His strong, and often decisive, influence on both administration and policy was exerted by virtue of his intellectual capacity, his administrative ability and the sheer force of his personality. Controversies from his time in Defence, including those associated with 'the Tange report' and 'the Tange reforms', echo to this day, and it is still easy to identify both staunch admirers and vitriolic critics in defence and public service circles. Tange wrote this account in his last years. It is a memoir – based largely on memory supplemented by limited reference to documentary material – that focuses upon his career after he came to Defence in 1970. It records his own account of his part in those administrative reforms and policy shifts, as well as his involvement-or non-involvement or alleged involvement-in several of the political crises of the 1970s, including the downfall of John Gorton as Prime Minister and the dismissal of the Whitlam Government.
In the 1970s the Australian Commonwealth Government and three States, Victoria (1974), New South Wales (1977) and South Australia (1978), passed legislation to protect the built heritage within their jurisdictions. The legislation was primarily a response to two factors: a large number of public protests against the demolition of historic buildings in all Australian states by the 1970s and the influence of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention, which the Whitlam Government (1972-75) embraced enthusiastically. The other states, with governments that were more influenced by development interests, were slow to follow the federal lead. In this study, Sharon Mosler examines heritage issues and conflicts in Adelaide from enactment of the first South Australian Heritage Act in 1978 to its successor in 1993, and also analyses issues leading from that period into the twenty-first century. State legislation introduced by the Labor government of Premier Mike Rann (2002 – present) has affected the built environment significantly since this book began. The Rann government has given the built heritage a low priority in its strategic plan compared to population growth, while the Adelaide City Council has become more balanced in the past decade, although the council too has focussed on increasing Adelaide's population. The result has been more high-rise buildings at the expense of heritage conservation and historic precincts.
The study of embassy architecture has predominately focused on the United States and to a lesser extent the United Kingdom. In particular this research has been conducted by Jane Loeffler as captured in her book The Architecture of Diplomacy: Building America's Embassies (2011) and by Ron Robin in Enclaves of America: The Rhetoric of American Political Architecture Abroad, 1900-1965 (1992). Both studies establish that embassy buildings can be utilised as historical references to establish a viewpoint into a nation's political and cultural history. This is no different in Australia, where Australian embassy buildings allow us insight into the directions taken in government policy, international relations, architecture and society. In order to begin to comprehend the complex nature of this building typology, archival research must initially be conducted into the government departments that were responsible for driving embassy design since the opening of Australia House in London in 1918. By correlating this research with domestic and foreign policies that were implemented as a response to changing world events, it becomes clear that a number of bureaucratic forces are behind the development of Australia's embassy buildings. This paper will focus on the influence these forces had on embassy design during the 1970's, when the Overseas Property Bureau was created and Australia developed several high profile embassies under the Whitlam Government.
What are the ideational, strategic, and political foundations of current Australian policy towards China? Although the strategic and security implication of a rising China in the region is frequently seen as a modern issue, the challenge of how to deal with a 'China growing strong' has preoccupied Australia since the 1950s; while modern approaches date from the 1960s. This paper traces the evolution of Australian security policy, attitudes, strategies, and assumptions behind both Liberal and Labor responses to the 'China security question' as well as the politics driving theme from Prime Minister Robert Menzies through to current Prime Minister John Howard. How have attitudes and responses to the 'China security question' evolved and changed, why did they do so, and how is this relevant to understanding current and future Australian responses to meeting the challenge of China's continued rise today? This paper explores these questions in chronological order, which coincides with the thematic development of the 'China security question' beginning with the Liberal Governments up to 1972, then to the Whitlam Government and the period leading to the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, and finally from the post-Tiananmen period to the present one culminating in Prime Minister John Howard's attempt at 'synthesis' of both Liberal and Labor approaches to the question.
'The Ayes Have It' is a fascinating account of the Queensland Parliament during three decades of high-drama politics. It examines in detail the Queensland Parliament from the days of the 'Labor split' in the 1950s, through the conservative governments of Frank Nicklin, John Bjelke- Petersen and Mike Ahern, to the fall of the Nationals government led briefly by Russell Cooper in December 1989. The volume traces the rough and tumble of parliamentary politics in the frontier state. The authors focus on parliament as a political forum, on the representatives and personalities that made up the institution over this period, on the priorities and political agendas that were pursued, and the increasingly contentious practices used to control parliamentary proceedings. Throughout the entire history are woven other controversies that repeatedly recur – controversies over state economic development, the provision of government services, industrial disputation and government reactions, electoral zoning and disputes over malapportionment, the impost of taxation in the 'low tax state', encroachments on civil liberties and political protests, the perennial topic of censorship, as well as the emerging issues of integrity, concerns about conflicts of interest and the slide towards corruption. There are fights with the federal government – especially with the Whitlam government – and internal fights within the governing coalition which eventually leads to its collapse in 1983, after which the Nationals manage to govern alone for two very tumultuous terms. On the non-government side, the bitterness of the 1950s split was reflected in the early parliaments of this period, and while the Australian Labor Party eventually saw off its rivalrous off-shoot (the QLP-DLP) it then began to implode through waves of internal factional discord.
'The Ayes Have It' is a fascinating account of the Queensland Parliament during three decades of high-drama politics. It examines in detail the Queensland Parliament from the days of the 'Labor split' in the 1950s, through the conservative governments of Frank Nicklin, John Bjelke- Petersen and Mike Ahern, to the fall of the Nationals government led briefly by Russell Cooper in December 1989. The volume traces the rough and tumble of parliamentary politics in the frontier state. The authors focus on parliament as a political forum, on the representatives and personalities that made up the institution over this period, on the priorities and political agendas that were pursued, and the increasingly contentious practices used to control parliamentary proceedings. Throughout the entire history are woven other controversies that repeatedly recur – controversies over state economic development, the provision of government services, industrial disputation and government reactions, electoral zoning and disputes over malapportionment, the impost of taxation in the 'low tax state', encroachments on civil liberties and political protests, the perennial topic of censorship, as well as the emerging issues of integrity, concerns about conflicts of interest and the slide towards corruption. There are fights with the federal government – especially with the Whitlam government – and internal fights within the governing coalition which eventually leads to its collapse in 1983, after which the Nationals manage to govern alone for two very tumultuous terms. On the non-government side, the bitterness of the 1950s split was reflected in the early parliaments of this period, and while the Australian Labor Party eventually saw off its rivalrous off-shoot (the QLP-DLP) it then began to implode through waves of internal factional discord.
Recent responses to Asian immigration in Australia can be assessed in relation to Australia's search for a national identity. Australian nationalism has always had its racist elements, reflected in the maintenance of the White Australia Policy until it was abolished by the Whitlam government in 1973. Asian immigration has built up considerably since them, though no one source country has been dominant. Since the late 1970s, generally one third or more of settler arrivals have been from Asian countries. Migrants to Australia from Asian countries have been, on average, more highly educated and have achieved higher income levels than the rest of the population. However, some groups have had below average education levels, notably refugees from the Indo-chines region. The polls indicate majority opposition to Asian immigration, as to immigration in general, though multiple issue opinion polling does not show immigration to be an issue of major concern. Since the maiden speech in parliament by the independent member for Oxley, Pauline Hanson, in September 1996, a "race controversy" has erupted which has reflected not only the persistence of racist attitudes among a section of the Australian population, but also that there is a class and education element: anti-Asian sentiment is more prevalent among the Anglo-Australian working class than among the better educated and those of immigrant background. Avoidance of further widening of these fault lines in Australian society will require statesmanship of a high order from Australia's political leaders.
The 1970s was a time when previous cultural restrictions on middle-class Australia were lifted, and the country saw a transition to a raft of 'alternative' agendas. The vast majority of those working in the visual arts, especially contemporary art, were swept up in these changes. This was the decade that saw the first of the baby-boomer generation come to maturity. High expectations were placed on this generation of children by parents who had experienced World War II, either as combatants or as suffering civilians. New professional standards began to be seen as the norm in many fields in Australia, including in art museums. In all of this, politics played its part. After the election of the Whitlam Government in December 1972, increased funding for the arts combined with a restructured Australian Council for the Arts, enabled curators to think on a larger scale, while the rise of second- wave feminism encouraged a critical assessment of all exhibitions and their potential to reinforce the patriarchy. Generous Australia Council support enabled many smaller institutions to see their exhibitions as part of global trend.This paper looks at how key curators in the three major state art galleries—the Art Gallery of South Australia in Adelaide (AGSA); Art Gallery of New South Wales in Sydney (AGNSW); and the National Gallery of Victoria in Melbourne (NGV)—responded differentially to these changes. In particular, it will examine the landmark Link, Project and Survey series of exhibitions. These are contrasted with related exhibitions mounted by artist-run initiatives and collectives, especially the University of Melbourne Union's Ewing and George Paton Galleries (Ewing and Paton).
The history of Indigenous struggles is a conflicted one that has carried on into the 21st century. Governments have implemented and adapted plan after plan in accordance with their beliefs on how Indigenous affairs should be managed. The goal for Indigenous Australians in 1938 was to obtain equal rights and opportunities. The journey has been a long one and still this milestone has not been achieved. However, these goals have been evolving to include being recognized as the First Australians and the entitlements that entails. Having land given back to Indigenous people was one of the original goals that remains to be a critical issue even in debates today. A Northern Territory strike at Wave Hill Station in 1966 shows the first actions toward regaining land rights, "The strike soon becomes a demand for land rights, when the strikers set up camp on their traditional land and seek the transfer of part of the pastoral lease."1 In the early 1900s, what is now referred to as the 'lost generation,' was caused by the government assimilating Indigenous Australians into mainstream Australian culture. It was a 'government manage all ' approach. To help facilitate this movement, children from mixed decent were taken from their families, and placed in non Indigenous homes to be raised. This practice continued until the late 1960s. When the Whitlarn Labor government carne into power, the phrase self-determination was used to describe the goals of and for Indigenous peoples. This was a vague term used to signify Indigenous people having some sense of independence while existing in Australian society. It was an opportunity to provide input into their own affairs. A separate government department was established to govern Indigenous affairs; this was called the Department of Aboriginal Affairs. An elected advising committee was formed to assist the department in speaking to Indigenous communities. The 1976 Fraser Coalition government moved toward the idea of self-management for Indigenous people. This to an extent reduced the ideals set out by the Whitlam government. The government did not intend to broaden its governance over Indigenous issues, but rather continued to view its responsibility as limited to certain aspects of Indigenous affairs. Under this government discussions of land rights as well as basic rights continued. In 1987, with Prime Minister Bob Hawke, the topic of forming a treaty with Indigenous Australians was raised, something then Opposition Leader John Howard was strongly against. A combination approach to addressing Indigenous affairs was initiated. As a result, in 1989 self-determination resurfaced as a policy approach with the creation of ATSIC. For the government the goal was to increase funding for Indigenous programs as well as give communities greater control over their future. ATSIC was established in 1990 in an effort to satisfy a change in goals. Never before had the government given indigenous people to power to decide where to allocate funds for their own programs. It was seen as a movement from the government making decisions for aboriginal people to helping them in making decisions for themselves. Also established was a council to promote Reconciliation and improve the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However, the goals set by Government proved to be a stepping stone for what Indigenous leaders were after. The Government was displeased with some of the ways ATSIC was using its power. As a result the government decided it needed to critically monitor the functioning and decision making of the ATSIC board and ordered an intensive review to take place, where ATSIC was forced to account for its every move. This review board reported directly to the minister. In 1993, Indigenous people began the fight for more than just recognition of land claims, but for social reform aimed at improving their conditions and giving them opportunities for a better future. The topic of Reconciliation resurfaces. Indigenous people force the government to address the issue of Aboriginal children having been removed from their homes. The Keating government decided to focus on Indigenous rights and Reconciliation. This provided the opportunity for Indigenous Australians to voice what they had been continuously pushing for,' True Reconciliation.' Among other goals this movement sought an official apology from the government for the 'stolen generations.' In 1996, the Howard government took a step back from the idea of 'True Reconciliation,' and proposed 'Practical Reconciliation' instead. This plan did not satisfy the Indigenous demand for an apology. Through this period ATSIC underwent many struggles and conflict ultimately resulting in its abolishment.
There is an assumption in international relations literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the United States. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this 'diplomatic formula' supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the Whitlam, Hawke, and Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition.
There is an assumption in international relations literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the United States. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this 'diplomatic formula' supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the Whitlam, Hawke, and Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition.
This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
In 1999 The Whitlams, a popular 'indie' band named after a former Australian prime minister whose government was controversially sacked in 1975 by the Governor-General, released a single titled 'Blow up the Pokies'. Written about a former band member's fatal attraction to electronic gaming machines (henceforth referred to as 'pokies'), the song was mixed by a top LA producer, a decision that its writer and The Whitlam's front-man, Tim Freedman, describes as calculated to 'get it on big, bombastic commercial radio'. The investment paid off and the song not only became a big hit for the band, it developed a legacy beyond the popular music scene, with Freedman invited to write the foreword of a 'self-help manual for giving up gambling' as well as appearing on public affairs television shows to discuss the issue of problem gambling. The lyrics of 'Blow up the Pokies' frame the central themes of this article: spaces, technologies and governmentality of gambling. It then explores what cultural articulations of resistance to the pokie lounge tell us about broader social and cultural dynamics of neoliberal governmentality in Australia.
As highlighted by Jennifer Taylor and James Connor in Architecture in theSouth Pacific: The Ocean of Islands (2014) and subsequently discussed by Philip Goad in "Importing Expertise: Australian-US Architects and the Large Scale 1945-1990," the exportation of Australian architectural "expertise" across the second half of the twentieth century was primarily driven by individual practices gaining private and institutional commissions in the Asia-Pacific region. Devised under the Gorton administration the "Australian Policy" however, would, for the first time, prioritise the appointment of Australian architects for overseas work at a government level, opening the doors for Australian architects to design diplomatic buildings for the government's extensive construction programme announced by Gough Whitlam in 1973.The employment of Australian architects to design government buildings abroad came to the fore in 1965 when the Royal Australian Institute of Architects and Robin Boyd lobbied for an Australian architect to replace the Brazilian architect, Henrique Mindlin, to design the new Australian Embassy in Brasilia. This paper will examine this episode of institutional exchange and its significance for the local architectural profession and its future involvement in the foreign building program of the Federal Government. It will link this activity to the formation of the "Australian Policy" and posit that while this internal government policy was significant in encouraging the exportation of Australian design it was also wielded as a political weapon by the Department of External Affairs to diminish the role of the Commonwealth Department of Works which also had the skills to successfully "export" Australian expertise to the world.
