Suchergebnisse

This research aims to understand and interpret the changes in the working and family lives of women entrepreneurs working in SMEs during the pandemic process. The research was designed with a phenomenological pattern by using qualitative research methods. The participants consisted of 14 women entrepreneurs selected by using purposeful and snowball sampling techniques among women entrepreneurs who received KOSGEB support in Ankara. Data were obtained through semi-structured interviews.
It has been revealed that the most important change in the working life of women entrepreneurs during the pandemic process is the decrease in incomes and increase in expenses. The decrease in business capacity has led women entrepreneurs to exhibit pessimistic attitudes towards working life. It is possible to collect other changes in working life under the categories of decrease in the number of customers, decrease in the number of employees, change in working hours, inability to save, consuming existing savings, working from home, benefiting from social media opportunities in working life.
Although some of the women entrepreneurs stated that the pandemic was functional in terms of increasing the interaction of family members, strengthening ties and providing the opportunity to rest, it is understood that the domestic workload of women entrepreneurs increased significantly in parallel with the negativities in their working life. There has been an increase in the use of domestic labor by women entrepreneurs such as care, cleaning, nutrition, and support for education. In this context, it can be claimed that the tendency of women entrepreneurs to stay away from work and withdraw to home life is getting stronger. As a result, the pandemic process has had a knock-on effect on the working and family lives of women entrepreneurs, and has had interrelated negative consequences that can be described as double disadvantage.

Siyasetin kadınlaşması (İngilizce kavramıyla feminization) üzerine yapılan araştırmalar, kadınların siyasi katılımını ve temsilini ardışık ve ilişkisel bir süreç olarak göstermektedir. Ancak, özellikle muhafazakâr/sağ partiler ve kadınların bu partilerdeki siyasal aktivizmi hakkında yapılan yeni analizler, siyasette giderek artan kadın varlığının kadın sorunlarına feminist bir cevap vermediği gibi hem kadınların hem de kadın sorunlarının temsiline de mutlaka yardımcı olmadığı ortaya çıktı. Bu çıkarımların uyandırdığı merak ile bu makale, Türkiye'deki muhafazakar-sağ siyasetin temsilcisi olan Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) örneği üzerinden siyasetin kadınlaşması ve toplumsal cinsiyet politikaların anti-feminist doğasının nasıl bir arada olabildiğini incelenmektedir. Araştırma, partiye bağlı kadın kolları ve partiye oy veren kadınlar üzerinde nitel araştırma yoluyla kadınların siyasi katılım sürecine odaklanmaktadır. Araştırma bulguları, siyasetin kadınlaşması ve anti-feminist politikaların parti ile kadınlar arasındaki ilişkide birlikte var olduğunu göstermektedir. Parti, anti-feminist koşullar olarak kabul edilen belirli sınırlar ve kısıtlamalar sunarken, kadınlar bunlara uyum sağlayarak siyasi aktivizmlerini kadın kollarına katılarak, burada siyasal yaşamlarını sürdürerek ve partiye oy vererek stratejik bir şekilde sürdürmektedir. Bu bağlamda, kadınların siyasetteki varlığı, kadınlar için anlamlı bir dönüşüm getirmemektedir.

The UN's Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda emphasizes women's victimhood and peacemaking roles. However, women participate in two-thirds of armed movements and affect conflict outcomes in unique gendered ways. This article argues that excluding female perpetrators from the WPS agenda generates new insecurities for them and broader societies. By highlighting women's contribution to perpetuating conflict, I propose a framework to incite policymakers to view women's empowerment as a mainstream security concern and implement policies aligned with the goals of the UN WPS Agenda. First, I explore reasons to avoid reinforcing gender norms that portray women as victims and peacemakers. These reasons encompass assessing: 1) women's contributions to armed organizations, 2) their exclusion from post-conflict rehabilitation programs, 3) the limited visibility of human rights violations by women and the underrepresentation of male civilians as victims, and 4) "saving vulnerable women" rhetoric as a justification for Western power involvement. Then, I examine gender inequality as a fundamental cause enabling these factors, underscoring the need to regard gender inequality and traditional gender norms as central security concerns.

The risk of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), increases significantly for women in a war/conflict context and forced migration process. However, SGBV exposure by migrant women is only considered as the unfortunate outcome of the war. This situation makes the appearance of SGBV even more obscure and makes it invisible. The aim of this review is to contextually (war/conflict context, journey, and destination country) evaluate the appearances of SGBV, which is the continuation of the conflict to which forced migrant women are exposed, and to discuss the contextual mechanisms that feed the SGBV spiral. As a result, SGBV to which forced migrant women are exposed has a spiral structure, but the appearances of SGBV are complex, interactive, transformative, and are fluidly and dynamically constructed with the contextual parameters in which SGBV action occurs. This construction process determines the direction of outcomes, needs, and interventions.

When British travelers visited Kurdish regions in the first half of the twentieth century they recorded their memories and opinions on Kurdish society, especially the position of women. This article analyses the text the British travelers produced to understand whether they were written from an orientalist perspective. The freedom of Kurdish women impressed the British travellers and officers, and in particular they differentiated between Kurdish women and other Muslim societies. They admired the high status of Kurdish women in society regardless of class, in both rural and urban communities. That freedom was reflected in their clothing, lack of face coverings and confident treatment of foreigners. Women participated in politics, became leaders of their communities, and educated themselves, leading British travelers to make comparisons between Kurdish and European women. This article challenges the idea that British travelers considered Kurdish women solely from an orientalist perspective. While orientalism determined many of their views on Kurdish society, British views of Kurdish women were informed by comparison with Europeans.