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In recent years, women and religion have received considerable attention, especially in the context of Muslim communities. Not only has religion acquired a new public presence, but in Muslim contexts the use of religiously grounded arguments by Muslim women to further their rights has also generated considerable excitement. Religion, once seen as the major obstacle to the development of those rights, has now become the solution; women, previously victims, have become the catalysts of change. These emerging voices have been identified under the rubric of a trans-local phenomenon of "Islamic feminism." The paper focuses on the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), roughly translated as the Indian Muslim Women's Movement, a loose network of individuals and organizations working with the Muslim community, particularly women. The BMMA is comprised of feminists who are attuned to global discourses and at the same time want answers to immediate issues. The network has increasingly used the language of "Islam" to promote its concerns, representing a concerted shift away from earlier positions. Formed at a time following the Gujarat pogrom in 2002, the highly publicized Imrana case and 9/11, the BMMA self-consciously promotes certain markers of identity around which an emancipatory movement is organized, and seeks to position itself as an alternative radical voice from the community. In this, the organization challenges the twin tropes of victim and ward that surround Muslim women. This paper explores the complexities, negotiations and contradictions entailed in the process of claiming a "Muslim" identity in an attempt to complicate the present understandings of this activism. (Asien/GIGA)

AbstractThis paper focuses on Muslim Civil Society structures and, more specifically, on the gap between the organizations from the first (migrant) generation and the new grammars of action of new generations of Spanish Muslims. The originality of this article lies in its power to address three fundamental questions: (1) Are the umbrella organizations silencing the demands of Muslim youth?; (2) How do Muslim youth resist such representative hegemony? and; (3) What specific strategies are Muslim women currently developing to gain representation and involvement in mainstream Spanish society? We find evidence for new grammars of action defying traditional authorities and reject decontextualized, asynchronous Islam. Young women are engaging inbroaderandinclusiveactivism, inspired by religion affiliation in order to reinforce theirexternal solidarityand engagement in mainstream political structures. By contrast, young men are calling for a new Muslim leadership to reinforce primary solidarity and concentrate more on earning religious rights. For women, religion is avectorto participation and for men, it is aformof participation.

This paper focuses on Muslim Civil Society structures and, more specifically, on the gap between the organizations from the first (migrant) generation and the new grammars of action of new generations of Spanish Muslims. The originality of this article lies in its power to address three fundamental questions: (1) Are the umbrella organizations silencing the demands of Muslim youth?; (2) How do Muslim youth resist such representative hegemony? and; (3) What specific strategies are Muslim women currently developing to gain representation and involvement in mainstream Spanish society? We find evidence for new grammars of action defying traditional authorities and reject decontextualized, asynchronous Islam. Young women are engaging in broader and inclusive activism, inspired by religion affiliation in order to reinforce their external solidarity and engagement in mainstream political structures. By contrast, young men are calling for a new Muslim leadership to reinforce primary solidarity and concentrate more on earning religious rights. For women, religion is a vector to participation and for men, it is a form of participation.

This article describes briefly about the political movements of Islamic civil society organizations as well as influencing the position of women in their political movements. Since Indonesia has not been independent, the emergence of community organizations (mass organizations) Islam gives the color of socio-political life, including law. It is not surprising that a number of regional heads include Islamic law in local regulations. With full support, religious figures, MUI, Islamic mass organizations and legislatures of a number of sharia laws are passed. Euforia PERDA syariah gained the right momentum since Law no. 31 of 2004 on Regional Government; and Law No. 33 of 2004 on Fiscal Balance between the Central Government and Local Government is enacted. However, there are articles in Islamic law that are gender biased. There is a negative stigmatization of women. It is as if women are triggering immorality and evil. In a legal state, stigmatization is against human rights. Where the rights of justice and equality before the law are enforced in state regulations, including sharia law.

This article describes briefly about the political movements of Islamic civil society organizations as well as influencing the position of women in their political movements. Since Indonesia has not been independent, the emergence of community organizations (mass organizations) Islam gives the color of socio-political life, including law. It is not surprising that a number of regional heads include Islamic law in local regulations. With full support, religious figures, MUI, Islamic mass organizations and legislatures of a number of sharia laws are passed. Euforia PERDA syariah gained the right momentum since Law no. 31 of 2004 on Regional Government; and Law No. 33 of 2004 on Fiscal Balance between the Central Government and Local Government is enacted. However, there are articles in Islamic law that are gender biased. There is a negative stigmatization of women. It is as if women are triggering immorality and evil. In a legal state, stigmatization is against human rights. Where the rights of justice and equality before the law are enforced in state regulations, including sharia law.

As Islam moves to the center of Turkey's public life, an opportunity emerges to explore how Islamic knowledge is transmitted through the discursive practice of pious reading circles known in Turkish as sohbet (conversation). Constituting a ritualistic practice of Turkish Muslims who are inspired by the influential faith community leader, Fethullah Gülen, this article investigates how sohbet is practiced by a group of middle class housewives in Ankara. In so doing, the article addresses the meanings and interpretations that pious women ascribe to the reading of religiously oriented texts, and to discussions on prayer, family, and community that take place at sohbet. It also explores how new Islamic subjectivities are fashioned, how Islamic knowledge is reclaimed, and how spirituality is integrated by women into their roles as mothers and wives. Methodologically anchored upon ethnography, this article concludes that the distinctive features of sohbet in the so-called Gülen community, among other effects, facilitate social coherence, and subsequently, a greater capacity for women to synthesize their experience with modernity and tradition.

This paper will focus on exploring and understanding how the patriarchal Muslim society and the corrupt religious system under the pretext of the Holy Quran inflict their tortures upon poor, uneducated women of rural Pakistan and how Durrani's writings give voice to these kinds of oppressed women giving impetus to the process of women empowerment. Tehmina Durrani comes from the influential feudalistic Muslim society of Pakistan which is said to be progressive and educated yet their orthodox thinking and misogynous attitude makes the society highly patriarchal in nature. The creation and flourishing of patriarchy not only encircles the politico- cultural condition of the society but also affects the sanctity and grandeur of the religion making it patriarchal in nature. Durrani, an acclaimed feminist writer peeps into and comments on the evils and corruption that a now days is prevailing in the religious institutions in her novel Blasphemy, accounting how some contractors of Islam have misused the Quran and the preaching of Prophet to victimise and subjugate women's status in society.

After the fall of the Taliban, the new Afghan constitution of 2004 marks a fundamental beginning for the status of women – at least from a normative perspective. Art. 22 of the Afghan constitution contains: "The citizens of Afghanistan, man and woman, have equal rights and duties before the law." According to Art. 7 of the constitution the state shall observe i. a. the international treaties to which Afghanistan has joined. This also covers the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. At the same time, Art. 3 of the constitution provides that no law should contravene the tenets and provisions of the holy religion of Islam in Afghanistan. But how do these different sources of law interact in conflicting legal fields? There are no exiting provisions of the constitution explicitly offering an answer to this problem. This work focuses on the solution of this question regarding the status of women, especially in the law of divorce.

Considerable research has been conducted on the relationship between the First World War and the persecutions of Ottoman Armenians. So far, little is known about the aftermath of the catastrophe, in particular the fate of the survivors, mostly women and children who continued to live as best as they could on the fringes of society. This article addresses this hiatus and discusses the experience of Armenian survivors. It analyses the impact of the war and the genocide on Armenian women and children during and after the war. It examines how the violence generated innumerable orphans, and how these orphans became a battleground between Turkish and Armenian political elites. It reviews how the Young Turk regime dealt with the unforeseen phenomenon of Armenians converting to Islam to circumvent deportation orders, and focuses on the government's orders and decrees issued to confront this issue. Finally it briefly canvasses the hitherto neglected problem of prostitution by Armenian women as a strategy for survival during the war.

Islam as a belief system as well as a faith and Muslims on the whole find themselves under a siege-like situation in the existing environment of Islamophobia. They stand accused of being 'a threat' to the Western world or to the civilised world itself. At a micro-level, Muslims are considered to be less inclined players to the cause of nation and nationalism and by the extension of the deductive logic, inadequately committed to the politics and values of their host communities and countries.... The case of Muslim women appears all the more precarious for they have to negotiate rigid postures and structures from within the community as well as outside and on many occasions it is intertwined. The epithet—doubly occupied territory—for Muslim women appears very appropriate, for the politics of the times have psychologically battered their territorial configuration as well as their agency. This article reviews literature from various sources and highlights the positioning and socio-economic profile of Muslim Women in India.

An abridged version of this paper will appear in Yvonne Galligan and Manon Tremblay (eds), Sharing Power: Women in Parliament in Post-Industrial and Emerging Democracies, Ashgate, London, 2004 ; Indonesia's transition towards democracy since 1998 has been welcomed by democrats around the world as an important gain in a worldwide shift towards democracy. The nation has now held two democratic parliamentary elections – the first in 1999 and the most recent in April 2004. Each of these elections was free from violence and deemed to be free and fair by Indonesia and international observers. Yet there remains significant questions about who is participates in and is represented by Indonesia's new democracy. Importantly, few women have gained access to political power, either within national or local parliament, despite considerable debate and the adoption of strategies to increase the number of women in politics. This paper explores the ongoing barriers to women's participation in parliaments in Indonesia against the backdrop the legacy of history – particularly New Order ideology, prevailing stereotypes and a particular interpretation of Islam.

Islamic feminism becomes an interesting issue when there are injustice and inequality in the functions and structures of life. The Egyptian state is part of the Middle East which inspired the reformist movement pioneered by Zainab Al Ghazali (1917-2005) by prioritizing preaching, social and political approaches. Given the organization view, there is support for the direction of the Indonesian women's movement to contribute to the country. The purpose of this research is to examine Islamic feminism in Egypt and to find out the direction of the Indonesian women's movement. This research uses qualitative research with a book-based literature study approach, official institution reports, and journals. The results showed that Islamic feminism in Egypt was oriented towards the socio-political field through preaching activities on the occurrence of injustice and differences in political views. Meanwhile, the direction of the Indonesian movement at the same time uses organized women through Aisyiyah and Muslimat with educational, economic, social, health and religious approaches that aim to seize independence and fill it up to this day. The implication is that the Islamic feminism movement, both in Egypt and Indonesia, have the same premise as an effort for the existence of women to contribute to life. ; Feminisme Islam menjadi isu menarik ketika terjadi ketidakadilan dan ketidaksetaraan dalam fungsi dan struktur kehidupan. Negara Mesir merupakan bagian Timur Tengah menginspirasi gerakan reformis dipelopori Zainab Al Ghazali (1917-2005) dengan mengedepankan pendekatan dakwah, sosial dan politik. Hal tersebut memberi dukungan arah gerakan perempuan Indonesia untuk berkontribusi bagi negara. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengkaji feminisme Islam di Mesir dan mengetahui arah gerakan perempuan Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka berdasar buku, laporan lembaga resmi, dan jurnal. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa feminisme Islam di Mesir terjadi dengan berorientasi pada bidang sosial politik melalui kegiatan dakwah atas terjadinya ketidakadilan dan perbedaaan pandangan politik. Sedangkan arah gerakan Indonesia di saat yang bersamaan menggunakan perempuan yang terorganisir melalui Aisyiyah dan Muslimat dengan pendekatan pendidikan, ekonomi, sosial, kesehatan dan agama yang bertujuan merebut kemerdekaan dan mengisinya hingga saat ini. Implikasinya gerakan feminisme Islam keduanya sebagai upaya eksistensi perempuan dalam berkontribusi dalam kehidupan.

The study on the relationship between women and men will never fade. This issue is always interesting as the various development issues era. Studie of Gender basically don't attempt to give birth to the women "revolt" over "power" male, but attempt to build "self-reliance" of women, as well as sensitize men that women have the status, rights and obligations are the same as man. This article examines the KH. Husein Muhammad thought's about women's empowerment movement. On the basis of books and articles he wrote, the authors attempt to formulate his thoughts on the issue of women's empowerment. Additionally, the authors also examined other book with the theme of women which is then used as a comparison and analysis of materials in the formulation characteristics K. Husein's thought. This study found that K. Hussein started the women's empowerment by: First, prove that Islam upholds the equality of all classes. Second, create a new interpretation to the verses of the Koran that seem "discriminatory" for women. Third, formulate jurisprudence (equality) of Women. jurisprudence is the "main gate" process of women empowerment because it is like the journey of life which guides contain technical rules and "impressed" is more sacred. Fourth, establish organizations that focus femaleness or study the problem of of womanhood and Fifth, Guarding of legislation of Indonesian law, to make it more "friendly" and provide the interests of women.Keywords: Women's Empowerment, Fiqh of Woment, And KH. Husein Muhammad