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When an actor approaches a character, s/he examines many facets of the play--the setting, the time period, the politics surrounding both of the former. S/he also looks into elements of the character--any noted physical attributes in the text, his/her financial and social status, what s/he wants and what obstacles are standing in his/her way. Often the last thing that the actor studies is the character's spiritual and/or religious life. When I was cast as Trina in UCF's production of Falsettos in the winter of 2005, I knew I wanted to approach the character from an oft-neglected area: her faith. Judaism is a vital element of William Finn's Falsettos, and in an attempt to be true to what I believed was Finn's intentional, prominent inclusion of this religion, its practice, and the stigmas that come along with being a Jew, and especially a Jewish woman, I planned to focus on Trina's Judaism. An historical analysis of the changing role of Jewish women through time, complete with a focus on Jewish rituals, practices, and routines, will provide details of the generations of history that precede Trina and shape her opinions about the world, herself, and what she "should" be. An analysis of the plot and characters of Falsettos will describe the world in which Trina lives; my rehearsal journal from the production will chart my progress of developing my portrayal of Trina, and a comparison between Trina and Sarah in the Torah will indicate Sarah as a possible "role model" for Trina. ; 2009-05-01 ; M.F.A. ; Arts and Humanities, Department of Theatre ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

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Jüdinnen und Juden sind seit jeher künstlerisch tätig. Im Zusammenhang mit jüdischen Künstlerinnen und Künstlern taucht immer wieder der Begriff "Jüdische Kunst" auf. Im ersten Teil dieser Arbeit wird auf die Frage, was Jüdische Kunst ist, eingegangen. Autorinnen und Autoren liefern verschiedene Ansätze. Eine allgemein gültige Definition von "Jüdischer Kunst" gibt es nicht. Einen Konsens gibt es dennoch. Kein Stil der Kunstgeschichte lässt sich als jüdisch definieren. Jüdische Künstlerinnen und Künstler gab es zu jeder Zeit, in allen Kunstepochen und in allen geographischen Breiten. Jüdische Themen wurden und werden künstlerisch behandelt, jedoch nicht unter bestimmten Merkmalen bzw. Vorgaben. Sie weisen keinen spezifischen Stil auf. Eine jüdische Ästhetik gibt es somit nicht.Weitere Schwerpunkte der Arbeit sind die Entwicklung der Rolle der Frau von 1800 bis in die Weimarer Republik in Deutschland, antijüdische Gesetze zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus sowie die Rolle der Frau im Judentum. Die Informationen helfen, die Lebensumstände, in welchen die jüdischen Künstlerinnen lebten und welche im weiteren Verlauf der Arbeit vorgestellt werden, besser zu verstehen.Exemplarisch werden für jüdische Künstlerinnen um 1900 Charlotte Berend-Corinth, Else Lasker-Schüler und Charlotte Salomon vorgestellt. Leben und künstlerisches Schaffen werden in Bezug zu politischen Entwicklungen und Religion gesetzt. Trotz Divergenzen in Leben und Kunst, können doch Parallelen gezogen werden. Außerdem stellt sich die Frage des Einflusses der Religion auf das Leben der Künstlerinnen und ob diese sie bei ihrem künstlerischen Schaffen beeinflusste. Für die Frauen spielte die Ausübung des Glaubens nur eine untergeordnete Rolle. Da sie während der Zeit des aufkeimenden Nationalsozialismus in Deutschland lebten, beeinflusste ihre Zugehörigkeit zum Judentum zwangsläufig ihr gesamtes Dasein. Ein Gros der von den Künstlerinnen geschaffenen Kunst wurde zur entarteten Kunst erklärt oder vernichtet. ; Jews have always been artistically active. The term Jewish art is often mentioned in connection with Jewish artists. In the first part of this diploma thesis, the question of what Jewish art is will be answered. Different authors provide different approaches. Some of them are presented as examples within this work. There is no general definition of Jewish art. Nevertheless, authors have reached a consensus. No style of art history can be defined as specifically Jewish. However, there have been artists of the Jewish faith in all epochs of art and in all geographical latitudes. Jewish themes were and are treated artistically, but not under certain characteristics or specifications. They therefore do not have a specific style. There is therefore no Jewish aesthetic.Further focal points of the work are the development of the role of women from 1800 to the Weimar Republic in Germany, anti-Jewish laws at the time of National Socialism, and the role of women in Judaism. The information gained helps to better understand the living conditions in which Jewish women artists, which will be presented in the further course of the work, live.In the last part of the work, Charlotte Berend-Corinth, Else Lasker-Schüler and Charlotte Salomon are presented as examples of female Jewish artists around 1900. Life and artistic creation are placed in relation to political developments and religion. The lives and work of the artists took different paths, yet many parallels can be drawn. Furthermore, the question of the influence of religion on the lives of female artists and whether it influenced them in their artistic work is raised. For these women, the practice of religion played only a minor role. Since they lived in Germany during the arising National Socialist era, their affiliation with Judaism inevitably influenced their entire existence. A great part of the art created by the women fell victim to the National Socialists, was declared degenerate art or was destroyed. ; vorgelegt von Katharina Perchtold ; Zusammenfassung auf Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Diplomarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2020 2.821

© 2016 British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Democracy is supposed to allow individuals the opportunity to follow their conception of the good without coercion. Generally speaking, Israel gives precedence to Judaism over liberalism. This article argues that the reverse should be the case. In Section I it is explained what the Halachic grounds for discrimination against women are. Section II concerns the Israeli legal framework and the role of the family courts. Section III considers Israeli egalitarian legislation and groundbreaking Supreme Court precedents designed to promote gender equality. Section IV analyses inegalitarian manifestations of Orthodox Judaism in Israeli society today, especially discriminatory practices in matters of personal status. It is argued that Judaism needs to adopt gender equality because of Israel's commitment to human rights. Israeli leaders should strive to close the unfortunate gap between the valuable aims and affirmations voiced in the 1948 Declaration of Independence and the reality of unequal political and social rights for women.

In this paper we study the Jewish feminist program expounded by the American theologian Judith Plaskow in her book Standing Again at Sinai. Focusing on her most important contributions, we summarize the project of a Jewish feminist theology capable of renewing the central categories of the Jewish religion (God, Torah, and Israel). This project is a fundamental part of a feminism with social and political implications. ; En este artículo nos acercamos al programa judeo-feminista expuesto por la teóloga americana Judith Plaskow en su libro Standing Again at Sinai. Centrándonos en sus aportaciones más importantes sintetizamos el proyecto de una teología judeo-feminista capaz de renovar las categorías centrales de la religión judía (Dios, Torah e Israel). Este proyecto es parte fundamental de un feminismo con implicaciones sociales y políticas.

This article revisits the past decades of scholarly use (or rather non-use) of Bernadette Brooten's _Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue_ to reveal that citation practices in biblical studies—or any field—can be inherently political (e.g. misogynistic) whilst maintaining a pretense of scientific objectivity. As a corrective, the author calls for the abandonment of the myth of neutrality in the biblical studies classroom. She argues that rape is only one end of a long spectrum of behaviours that silence; at the other, more subtle end of that spectrum, and all along it, are thousands of lesser instances of silencing and diminishing that occur in the classroom, that are gentler extensions of the notion that women's bodies do not belong to them, that men are the default human beings, and that women are valuable only insofar as they are pleasing or useful from a male standpoint. Parks advocates a biblical studies pedagogy that intentionally upholds inclusion and diversity in its curriculum, its group dynamics, and its citation practices, even (or especially) within institutions that do not. This is especially important given the prevalence of survivors of sexual assault and gender-based violence in every classroom; maintaining a neutral stance implicitly re-inscribes and encourages the status quo of rape culture.

Are Feminism and Monotheistic Religions Compatible? Dr. Roberta K. Ray How compatible are the three major monotheistic religions (Christianity, Islam, and Judaism) with feminism and the goal of equal rights for women in Western democracies? A special focus is on how Christian religions have functioned as a barrier to equal rights for women in the United States from Colonial period through the 21st century. Religion and Liberal Democracy: Are They Philosophically Compatible? Dr. John W. Ray American government is based on liberal democratic political theory. Based on an examination of the political philosophies of Locke, Mill, Rousseau, Hegel, Emerson and Rawls, Ray concludes that adherence to a liberal democratic political ideology is fundamentally incompatible with a religious grounding of political reality.

Стаття присвячена історії становлення жіночого рабинату в іудаїзмі США. Оскільки сміха (звання рабина) надається в теологічних навчальних закладах, то авторка акцентує свою увагу саме на них. Розглянуто позицію представників ортодоксального іудаїзму, які, базуючись на Галасі, забороняють жінкам ставати рабинами. Далі розглядається, яким чином навчальні заклади різних напрямів сучасного іудаїзму (реформістського, реконструктивістського та консервативного) приймали рішення про дозвіл жінкам вступати до рабинських факультетів та отримувати сміху. Авторка пов'язує ці зміни з феміністським рухом 1960-70 рр. Виділено загальні проблеми жінок під час навчання та після його закінчення: жінки мають менше шансів стати рабинами в громадах, аніж чоловіки; жінкам важче знайти баланс між обов'язками рабина та їхніми жіночими функціями в сім'ї. Показано, що жінки привносять до рабинату нові цінності та стилі управління громадою ("спів-рабинат"). Вони також створюють релігійні обряди, присвячені суто жіночим життєвим циклам. ; Статья посвящена истории становления женского раввината в иудаизме США. Поскольку смиха (звание раввина) присуждается в теологических учебных заведениях, то автор акцентирует свое внимание именно на них. Рассматривается позиция представителей ортодоксального иудаизма, которые, основываясь на Галахе, запрещают женщинам становиться раввинами. Далее рассматривается, как учебные заведения разных направлений современного иудаизма (реформистского, реконструктивистского и консервативного) принимали решение о разрешении женщинам поступать на раввинский факультет и получать смиху. Автор связывает эти изменения с феминистским движением 1960-70 гг. Выделены общие проблемы женщин во время и после окончания учебы: у женщин меньше шансов стать раввином в общине, нежели у мужчин; женщинам труднее найти гармонию между обязанностями раввина и женскими функциями в семье. Важно отметить, что женщины привносят в раввинат новые ценности и стили управления общинами ("со-раввинат"). Они также создают религиозные обряды, связанные с чисто женскими жизненными циклами. ; The article by Anna Mariya Basauri Ziuzina "Women in Rabbinate: The American Experience" deals with the history of the making of female rabbinate in the USA. Since the granting of semikhah (rabbi ordination) is requires obtaining education in theological educational institutions, the author pays special attention to Jewish educational settings. In the beginning of the article the position of the Orthodox Judaism is described. For example in the Yeshiva University women are prohibited to enter the rabbinical department, because according to Halakha (traditional Jewish religious legislation) women are strongly restricted to become rabbis. The author of the article is convinced that this position will remain stable in the nearest future. Further in the article the process of admitting women to the rabbinical departments and granting them semikhah in different denominational educational institutions (Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, Reconstructionist Rabbinical College and Jewish Theological Seminary) is analyzed. The author sees the changes in the attitude towards women as a part of the American feminist movement in 1960-70's. The problems women face during their studies and after ordination are considered in the article. The common problems for all the four above mentioned denominations are: women have less chances of receiving a position of rabbi comparing to men; it is more problematic for women to find balance between the rabbi functions and family obligations. At the same time women in rabbinate bring new values and new way of management to the Jewish community (co-rabbinate), create new religious rituals commemorating special women life stages (bat mitzvah, ceremony of name giving for a girl etc).

Стаття присвячена історії становлення жіночого рабинату в іудаїзмі США. Оскільки сміха (звання рабина) надається в теологічних навчальних закладах, то авторка акцентує свою увагу саме на них. Розглянуто позицію представників ортодоксального іудаїзму, які, базуючись на Галасі, забороняють жінкам ставати рабинами. Далі розглядається, яким чином навчальні заклади різних напрямів сучасного іудаїзму (реформістського, реконструктивістського та консервативного) приймали рішення про дозвіл жінкам вступати до рабинських факультетів та отримувати сміху. Авторка пов'язує ці зміни з феміністським рухом 1960-70 рр. Виділено загальні проблеми жінок під час навчання та після його закінчення: жінки мають менше шансів стати рабинами в громадах, аніж чоловіки; жінкам важче знайти баланс між обов'язками рабина та їхніми жіночими функціями в сім'ї. Показано, що жінки привносять до рабинату нові цінності та стилі управління громадою ("спів-рабинат"). Вони також створюють релігійні обряди, присвячені суто жіночим життєвим циклам. ; Статья посвящена истории становления женского раввината в иудаизме США. Поскольку смиха (звание раввина) присуждается в теологических учебных заведениях, то автор акцентирует свое внимание именно на них. Рассматривается позиция представителей ортодоксального иудаизма, которые, основываясь на Галахе, запрещают женщинам становиться раввинами. Далее рассматривается, как учебные заведения разных направлений современного иудаизма (реформистского, реконструктивистского и консервативного) принимали решение о разрешении женщинам поступать на раввинский факультет и получать смиху. Автор связывает эти изменения с феминистским движением 1960-70 гг. Выделены общие проблемы женщин во время и после окончания учебы: у женщин меньше шансов стать раввином в общине, нежели у мужчин; женщинам труднее найти гармонию между обязанностями раввина и женскими функциями в семье. Важно отметить, что женщины привносят в раввинат новые ценности и стили управления общинами ("со-раввинат"). Они также создают религиозные обряды, связанные с чисто женскими жизненными циклами. ; The article by Anna Mariya Basauri Ziuzina "Women in Rabbinate: The American Experience" deals with the history of the making of female rabbinate in the USA. Since the granting of semikhah (rabbi ordination) is requires obtaining education in theological educational institutions, the author pays special attention to Jewish educational settings. In the beginning of the article the position of the Orthodox Judaism is described. For example in the Yeshiva University women are prohibited to enter the rabbinical department, because according to Halakha (traditional Jewish religious legislation) women are strongly restricted to become rabbis. The author of the article is convinced that this position will remain stable in the nearest future. Further in the article the process of admitting women to the rabbinical departments and granting them semikhah in different denominational educational institutions (Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, Reconstructionist Rabbinical College and Jewish Theological Seminary) is analyzed. The author sees the changes in the attitude towards women as a part of the American feminist movement in 1960-70's. The problems women face during their studies and after ordination are considered in the article. The common problems for all the four above mentioned denominations are: women have less chances of receiving a position of rabbi comparing to men; it is more problematic for women to find balance between the rabbi functions and family obligations. At the same time women in rabbinate bring new values and new way of management to the Jewish community (co-rabbinate), create new religious rituals commemorating special women life stages (bat mitzvah, ceremony of name giving for a girl etc).

Afro-Brazilian Jewish women struggle against racism, sexism and classism within their Jewish communities, but they continue to practice Judaism and raise their children Jewish. They affirm their identities as both Black and Jewish in the face of rejection from white Jewish communities as well as their Afro-Brazilian communities. Because Brazil has consistently made efforts to make Jews into symbols of otherness and at the same time rhetorically valued the mulato identity as a symbol of brasilidade ("Brazilianness"), Jews are seen as foreign parasites, light-skinned Blacks are symbols of authentic Brazilian identity, dark-skinned Blacks are invisible, and Jews and Blacks are irreparably separated from each other. In addition the rhetorical valuation of the "mulata" and the devaluation of the Jew, places the Black Jewish women I interviewed (who are lighter-skinned black women) in between what is symbolically valued and devalued in Brazil, literally in the border between "us" and "them." The Brazilian state appropriates and utilizes beneficial aspects of racial others to advertise its modernity, while oppressing the unwanted parts. The Brazilian state portrayed Jews as "economically desirable," but "politically inexpedient," (Lesser, 2005, p. 36). "Mulata" women are sexually valorized and considered erotic, but only through commodification and objectification (Lilly, 2007, p. 61). The Brazilian state claims acceptance based on its appropriation and utilization of the Jewish or Black culture, but continues to enact racism and anti-Semitism (Barcelos, 1999, Barroso, 1999; Berdichevski, 2001; Lesser, 1995, 2005; Lilly, 2007; Reichmann, 1995).

There is a somewhat symbiotic relationship between religion and culture: religious practices shape, and are shaped by the culture within which they thrive. When people in a given culture adopt a specifc religion,their culture begins to assimilate only the ethos and practices that are acceptable within that religion; and when a particular religion arises within a given culture, its ethics and rituals are usually grounded on the tenets of that culture. Thus, having strong roots in patriarchal and androcentric cultures, Abrahamic religions cannot shy away from the encumbrances of flawed gender relationships. With the help of feminist studies, we have unearthed the insidious force of gender in the assignment of roles 'skewed' to favour men over women not only in politics and commerce but also in religious and social lives. The idea is not to take a knock at the spiritual values represented by these bodies, but to highlight the underlying influence of gender on the various ethics and practices of Judaism, Christianity and Islam.

In Israel, religious identity can serve to identify the governing law in a number of circumstances such as those concerning family law. While there is no separation between religion and state in Israel, separation does exist in the nature and justification for the existing religious accommodations of the Jewish majority on the one hand and those of the Palestinian-Arab minority on the other hand. The article asserts that because of the Jewish nature of the State of Israel, almost all of the apparatuses governing the "religion and state" debate have centered around Judaism.Religious accommodations granted to the Palestinian-Arab minority and other groups were relegated to a separate realmthat of minority (group) accommodations.The result of this disparate treatment has led to a "paradigm of separateness" in religion and state relations in Israel.The political and legal environment in Israel has also reinforced this "paradigm of separateness," especially in light of the national conflict that exists within and between the Palestinian-Arab minority in Israel and the State itself.

Marx has a threefold objective in "On the Jewish Question": to respond to Bruno Bauer's views on the same issue; to give us his own standing on the matter of the political emancipation of Jewish populations in Germany and the rest of Europe, while at the same time defining what political emancipation means for each citizen, no matter the religion, in a modern State; and lastly, to show us how political emancipation is not enough and how actual freedom (political plus social) is accessible to all once a new, final and imperative kind of emancipation is obtained: human emancipation. This paper will be divided into two parts: the first one will try to briefly review and explain Marx's text. Particular attention will be given to the differentiation between political and human emancipation and its implications. In this section, Marx's views on Judaism will be clarified by analyzing them on their proper socio-historical context. In the second one, an interesting and, hopefully, appropriate exercise will be put into consideration: taking into account Marx's concerns regarding the possibility of inclusion of a religious minority into the public spheres of a secular State, the Jewish question of 19th century's Europe will be altered into the Muslim question of 21st century's Europe. According to Yoav Peled the main difference between how Bauer and Marx confront the issue of Jewish emancipation is that the former one considers the problem as a theological one, while the latter does it as a sociological one (1). Bauer affirms that not only the Jews are longing for political emancipation, meaning being recognized by the State as equal citizens; but also the rest of the Gentile population is awaiting such recognition. The State cannot emancipate Jews if it still has not emancipated the rest. The Jewry cannot obtain full citizenship if there are no citizens. In order to attain political emancipation the State has to become a secular one, not to recognize any religion as its official one and to extend freedom of religion to all of its citizens. Religious freedom would require religion's removal from the public sphere and its "ostracism" into a private creed. This privatization of religion would eventually abolish it. Nevertheless, Bauer does not consider the Jews capable of becoming free because he does not consider Judaism able to become a private creed. Bauer characterizes Judaism as a religion of law not as, like Christianity, areligion of faith. Being a religion based on actions and not on beliefs would completely be opposed to freedom of religion, to its own removal from the public sphere. Judaism could not become free because there is a chance that its laws would contradict the laws of the State. Marx, instead, affirms that Jews (and Christians), in order to be really emancipated do not have to abandon Judaism in a theological way, but have to do it in a sociological manner. Political emancipation as stated by Bauer is not the final possible form of emancipation, but it is the last possible form of emancipation within the framework of the prevailing social order. For example, according to Marx the citizens of the United States of America, which at the time was the best case of a modern secular State, still practiced, and needed to practice, their religious beliefs as private creeds. Then, Bauer was wrong; religion survived the test and did not disappear after political emancipation. As reported by Marx this happened because when religion is expulsed from the sphere of public law to that of private law, religion becomes the spirit of civil society and the essence of differentiation which leads to, and presupposes, inequality. Political emancipation divides the human being into two antagonistic spheres: the individual, who is egoistic by nature and based in inequality and corresponds to civil society; and the citizen, who is based in common solidarity and equality and complements with the State. This separation can only be overcome by human emancipation. Human emancipation is the final and real kind of reachable and desired emancipation by all human beings. Human emancipation would erase all deficiencies that are found in civil society: private property, insecurity and religion. Human emancipation would, then, end social inequality. Only then, humans would achieve real and total freedom. Only when the individual and the citizen would synthesize their antagonisms in the species-being would humanity be free from all its social and political constraints and a truly democratic State would appear. (2)Marx's views on Judaism have been defined as anti-Semitic by several critics; but it is not the case (3). First of all, Marx was a strong advocate for political emancipation to the Jewish communities in Europe, especially in Germany, and he believed, in opposition to Bauer, that the Jewry was fully capable of becoming citizens in a secular State by privatizing their creed. Although, it has to be said that Marx, like Bauer, considered Judaism to be a religion based on laws; he did not directly consider the case if Judaism could withstand the transformation to a private form. Orthodox Jews, for example, would not become suitable for citizenship in the modern secular State. Because Marx could not resolve this argument in a direct form he chose to solve it by taking Judaism in its socio-historical context instead than in a purely theological way. To Marx Jews have embodied the mercantile spirit in a natural economy dominated Europe (4). Jews did not choose to be merchants or entrepreneurs: feudal society limited them to those kinds of activities. They could not legally own land or be members of any corporate guild. Jews could only deal with money or goods exchange(5). Then, Jews could only be considered as bourgeois, as capitalists, as financiers. Even if, like Marx says, the Jewish mercantile particularity had already generalized through the Christian world and there was no economic basis for distinguishing between Jews and Gentiles, which allowed the Jews to practically self-emancipate by the "Judaization" of society; the general public was still perceiving Judaism as a synonymous of "merchants"(6). It is rather interesting to note that in 1850 half of all entrepreneurs in Berlin were Jews and that in 1861 58% of the Prussian Jewry was engaged in commerce and credit, while only 2% of Christians was similarly employed (7). When Marx calls for the abolition of Judaism, he is calling for the abolition of the economic activity that was a reflection of the Jews social-historical role in society; he is calling for the end of the mercantile/capitalist elements that produce social inequality. The abolition of Judaism means the abolition of all religions through the correction of the secular defect of civil society(8). Finally, Marx's views on the political emancipation of a religious minority and of social emancipation as the only way to end all inequalities and distinctions could be helpful in order to understand the current Muslim Question that is concerning much of Europe. The Muslim question is significantly different from 19th century's Jewish question. Jews were asking for the State's recognition of the same basic constitutional rights that Christians already, or were about to, benefited from. Additionally, liberal-secularists, like Bauer, were concerned about Judaism's capability to remove their religious practices from the public sphere and privatize them. According to them, it was essential for the survival of the modern secular State that its citizens should exclude their religious distinctiveness from all of their public interactions with the State or with other fellow citizens. Today, Muslims in Europe enjoy all of the individual and social rights that are recognized in each of the European Constitutions; meaning political emancipation is not an issue. It is Islam's interactions with the secular, and almost irreligious, European public spheres that has become on of the most fervent debates in the last few years. Such debate extremely overcomes the purpose of this article, but a few points should be taken into account regarding the Muslim question and the relevance of Marx's work on the matter. Marx, just like with the political emancipation of the Jews, would not have been able to directly confront the possibility of a real privatization of Islamic beliefs, because he would have faced the same issue that arose in the Jewish question: Islam, like Judaism, is a religious of laws. As it has been said, a religion of laws will almost certainly contradict the laws of a secular State and would not be able to refrain from interrelate with the public sphere. For example, teachers wearing a Muslim veil or turban in public schools; Muslim women wearing burqas in public facilities; the introduction of Sharia law in order to legalize social relationships within Muslim communities and in their relations with non-Muslim communities; etc., are challenges to the secular State. Several European countries are juggling between the right of freedom of religion and absolute secularism(9): France chooses to ban burqas in public spaces; the Netherlands to expel teachers from public schools that insisted in wearing veils or turbans in class; Italy to reform family law in order to stop "honor killings" among Muslim families; etc. But like with Judaism, Marx would overcome Islam's inability to privatize its creed by arguing that such incapability is a symptom of the antagonism between civil society (the individual egoistic man) and the State (the solidary citizen) and that will never be surpassed until human emancipation is obtained. Interestingly enough, while during the 19th century Jews were an equivalent to bourgeois and entrepreneurs, Muslims of the 21st century, on the other hand, are identified with other kinds of socio-economic characterization. Muslims are identified either as proletarians or as lumpenproletarians. Remarkably, the occupational standing of 84% of Muslims living in Germany is either blue or white collar; compared to just 40% of non-Muslims Germans (10); 20% of young non-Muslim French are unemployed compared to 50% of young French Muslims(11); 9% of non-Muslim Dutch are unemployed, while 30% of Dutch Muslims are jobless(12); 10% of non-Muslim Belgians live below the poverty line, while 60% of Muslim Belgians are poor(13); 15% of non-Muslim British households are in poverty, but that percentage ascends to 55% when Muslim British households are considered(14). In Europe 80% of Muslim men are employed in low-skill/low-wage jobs and in routine manual and service occupations, only 45% of non-Muslim men are employed in the same kind of jobs(15). Finally, when the Human Development Index is taken into account and it is divided among the Muslim and non-Muslim population in the European countries it is evidenced that the standard of living of Muslim communities is significantly lower than that of the rest (16). This brief and expedited socio-economic context of Muslims in Europe would be employed by Marx in order to circumvent Islam's inability to privatize its creed: Muslims, although they live in modern secular States and enjoy political emancipation, persist in carrying on with their religious practices in public spaces, and sometimes in opposition to public laws, because they are suffering social inequality; they are suffering from not attaining human emancipation. Of course, all human beings lack of human emancipation, not only Muslims in Europe, but it is Muslims' special socio-economic situation in Europe that creates a secular deficiency from political emancipation and prevents their religion's transformation into a private creed. Jews did not have political emancipation and were, in their majority, entrepreneurs, which gave them a better socio-economic standing and allowed them to privatize their religion once political emancipation was conquered. Most of European Muslims, in contrast, are proletarians and, in worst cases, lumpenproletarians (17)and even if they enjoy political emancipation they find themselves in a position characterized by an extreme social inequality, that does not allow many of them to privatize their creed (18). Only through human emancipation and social equality they would be able to negate their religious differentiation; because in a true democratic State, a communist State according to Marx, communism itself would act as a religious belief and manner of living. That is, perhaps, how Marx intended to accomplish the abolition of all religions: by the emergence of a new politically and socially equal "religion for all human beings", that of communism.(1) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation";History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992. (2) Marx borrows the concept of species-being from Feuerbach. It seems to be implied in the text, although it is more possible to be influenced by later Marx's texts, that revolution is the mean to obtain human emancipation; the mean that those who suffer from social inequality will use in order to end that suffering. Once human emancipation is reached then the democratic/communist State is at hand. Again, this is not actually said in On the Jewish Question. (3) See Flannery Edward, Antisemitism: Myth and Hate from Antiquity to the Present, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2005, pp.154-157; and Lewis Bernard, Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1999, pp. 112.(4) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation"; History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992, pp. 475. (5) It was this image of the "financial Jew", embodied in the Rothschild dynasty, which begot the western anti-Semitic wave of the 19th and 20th century. See Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Benediction Books, New York, 2009; Ferguson Niall, The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World, Penguin, New York, 2009; Ferguson Niall, The House of Rothschild, Penguin, New York, 2000; Landes David,Dynasties: Fortunes and Misfortunes of the World's Great Family Businesses, Penguin, New York, 2007.(6) Actually, the word "Judentum" came to be a synonymous with commerce.(7) Sorkin David, The Transformation of German Jewry, 1780-1840, Wayne State University Press, New York, 1999, pp. 108-9.(8) Peled Yoad; "From Theology to Sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the Question of Jewish Emancipation"; History of Political Thought; Vol. XIII, No. 3, Autumn, 1992, pp. 481.(9) For more about the interaction of Muslim minorities and political liberalism in a Rawlsian version see Benhenda, Mostapha, "For Muslim Minorities, it is Possible to Endorse Political Liberalism, but this is not Enough", Journal Of Islamic Law and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 2, May 2009, pp. 71-87. The article concludes that almost all Muslim minorities could and will endorse political liberalism, but many will not be able to do it because of a religious normative prohibition to reform their doctrine.(10) "Muslim Life in Germany", Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, German Government, http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/EN/Migration/Publikationen/Forschung/Forschungsberichte/fb6-muslimisches-leben,templateId=raw,property=publicationFile.pdf/fb6-muslimisches-leben.pdf(11) "Muslims in Europe", Open Society Institute; http://www.soros.org/initiatives/home/articles_publications/publications/muslims-europe-20091215/a-muslims-europe-20100302.pdf(12) Ibid.(13) Ibid.(14) Ibid.(15) Ibid.(16) For example, the HDI of Spain, Italy, Great Britain, France, Germany and Sweden are: 0,955; 0,951; 0,947; 0,961; 0.947 and 0,963 respectively; while the HDI of their respective Muslim communities are: 0,841; 0, 848; 0, 830; 0, 850; 0, 860; 0,912. Available at the European Social Survey http://ess.nsd.uib.no/ (17) Loïc Wacquant would call them "urban outcasts" or marginal. See Wacquant Loïc, Urban Outcasts: A Comparative Sociology of Advanced Marginality, Polity, Cambridge, 2007; Wacquant Loïc, Prisons of Poverty, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2009; Wacquant Loïc, Los Condenados de la ciudad. Gueto, peripherias, Estado, Siglo XII Editores, Buenos Aires, 2007.(18) Certainly they are more religious than Christian and Jewish Europeans because they are perceived as a marginalized minority and in fierce competition with non-Muslim proletarians. It is civil society that enforces religious differentiation on them.*Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.

The sixteenth century produced an array of remarkable religious figures, but few were more unusual and less orthodox than Guil aume Postel. He would suffer for the originality of his message: he was declared insane by the Venetian Inquisition, imprisoned for heresy, and spent the last eighteen years of his life under virtual house arrest in Paris. While various components of his theology were considered heretical, his most surprising claim was that a female messiah had arrived on earth. In 1547, Postel had met a pious Italian woman, named Joanna, whom he called the New Eve and considered as his own spiritual mother. His prophetic message, that she had personally ushered in a new age of political and religious harmony, was the apex of a complex system of thought which integrated aspects of mystical Judaism with Christianity. Postel is generally viewed as a marginal figure, whose unconventional religious views preclude comparison with his contemporaries. However, this study analyzes his thought within two contexts. The first is that of Jewish mysticism; such an analysis reveals that in spite of Postel's reliance on Kabbalah, his purpose was the defense of Catholic dogma. While his theology was heterodox, it contained elements which served to justify those Catholic doctrines which were under attack in the sixteenth century: free will, celibacy, the Eucharist, and the Virgin Mary. This conservative element in Postel's thought is reinforced through an examination of his notions of gender within the context of the sixteenth-century debate over the nature of Woman, the querelle des femmes. While others began questioning the view that women were categorically inferior to men, Postel used it as the starting point of his mystical theology. In terms of both his religious views and philosophical assumptions, Postel can be seen as trying to perpetuate the late-medieval world view which was breaking down during the volatile period in which he lived. His thought has relevance not only for an understanding of Jewish-Christian ...

In this thesis, author's aim is to investigate the image of Iran through the four books written by Myriam Harry to her audience: Les adorateurs du Satan (1937), Femmes de perse, Jardins d'Iran (1941), L'Irak (1941) and Djelaleddine Roumi, Poète et Danseur mystique (1947) . In the first phase, the investigation and study around Myriam Harry's books draws our attention to the main objectives of this thesis. The findings in her books reflect her view about Iranian lifestyle, culture, and customs, as well as indicating her interest and tendency to inspect and investigate on the lives of Iranian women. In the second phase, the author analyses Myriam Harry's point of view in regards to different religions and sects in Iran. Moreover, in this section she mentions about ethical aspects. Her expedition of Iran allows her to learn and become familiar with various rituals, sects and religions such as Tazieh (Passion play), Rumi Sufism, Zoroastrianism, Yazidism and Judaism in thiscountry. In the final phase, the researcher evaluates Myriam Harry's comprehension of classical Iranian literature. She elects four poets from Iranian literature who are as following: Ferdowsi (940-1020), Rumi (1207-1273), Saâdi (1210-1292) and Hafiz (1325-1390). The biographies of these poets along with translation of some their poems are mentioned and written in her books. ; Dans cette thèse, nous examinons l'image de l'Iran livré par Myriam Harry à ses lecteurs. Nous tentons de l'étudier à partir de ses quatre ouvrages sur l'Iran : Les adorateurs du Satan (1937), Femmes de Perse, Jardins d'Iran (1941), L'Irak (1941) et Djelaleddine Roumi, Poète et Danseur mystique (1947). La lecture des ouvrages de Myriam Harry nous invite en premier lieu à nous intéresser à divers sujets permettant de s'arrêter sur les grandes lignes de la thèse. Ses romans reflètent son regard de la vie, de la culture et des moeurs du monde iranien. Elle s'intéresse également à étudier la vie des femmes. En seconde partie, nous analysons le regard qu'elle porte sur les ...