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Women's bodies are scrutinized and objectified in western societies broadly. For servicewomen however, the military is a specific site where women's bodies receive close examination and scrutiny. Military members must adhere to height-based weight standards to remain in compliance. For servicewomen, the military is an important part of their life, and as such, it has a pivotal role in shaping their identity. The purpose of this study is to examine women's experiences of managing and responding to the weigh-ins, particularly the ways it shapes their collective self-esteem. Data for this study consist of ten qualitative interviews conducted with servicewomen. Findings demonstrate that women struggle to meet the weight standards, feel devalued when they cannot do so, and sometimes construct counternarratives to reject negative self-evaluations.

This article brings gender into the two-solitudes debate in Canadian foreign and defence policy by analyzing English- and French-Canadian newspaper coverage of women in combat in Afghanistan. We argue that there are no "two solitudes"—no national divisions are apparent between Quebec and the rest of Canada (ROC) when it comes to media representations of women in combat. Our findings confirm what other scholars have recently argued, which is that differences between the two solitudes on issues of defence policy may be less significant than often stated. The narrative of female combat soldiers presented in the media helps construct a pan-Canadian identity around the idea of Canada's progressiveness on military gender integration. We also found that the extent to which the death of a female combat soldier received media attention was largely based on her origin from Quebec or the ROC. These differences lead us to conclude that a selective heroization of soldiers on the basis of their origins affects Canadian media coverage of the war.

The participation of women in the armed forces creates many challenges to their integration in a masculine-dominated mechanism. Traditionally, military service embodies the macho culture where a certain type of physical strength is required, attainable only through the male frame. The traditional military personnel model represents a young male force that is supported by spouses who stay at home but modern warfare and the inclusion of technology have opened many chances for women to be included in the armed forces. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to highlight various fields of armed forces where women in Pakistan may or may not be suitable to be integrated. The paper descriptively analyzes the participation of women in armed forces in general and in the Pakistan Armed Forces in particular. Recommendations highlight the combat operations relevant to the Pakistan Armed Forces context which women can or cannot be integrated into.

Although the US military officially bars women from serving in active combat, in Iraq and Afghanistan the lines between battle and supply roles are blurred. More than 235,000 women have deployed to combat zones, with 129 killed. Photos by Sascha Pflaeging. In interviews with dozens of women for her book When Janey Comes Marching Home, author Laura Browder found women combat veterans were surprisingly eager to deploy. Many said they found it easier to fight a war than deal with the pressures of home life.

I first discuss reasons for feminists to attend to the role of women in the military, despite past emphasis on antimilitarism. I then focus on the exclusion of women from combat duty, reviewing its sanction by the U.S. Supreme Court and the history of its adoption. I present arguments favoring the exclusion, defending strong replies to each, and demonstrate that reasoning from related cases and feminist analyses of equality explain why exclusion remains entrenched.

Women have historically been excluded from combat roles in state militaries. However, in recent years, women's growing involvement in combat roles has sparked public debate. Currently, only a small minority of countries allow women into their ground combat forces. Given the policy relevance, it is important to examine the conditions under which militaries will allow women into combat roles. Using data from 1970–2016, I empirically examine how a variety of aspects of women's participation in social, political, and economic activities and institutions affects the probability that combat roles will be opened to them. The results provide robust evidence that women's participation in politics, civil society, and economic activities are associated with a higher probability that these exclusionary policies are lifted from combat roles. However, I do not find evidence of an association between expectations pertaining to women's familial roles and the probability of combat positions being opened to them.