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Many concerns related to women in combat roles stem from two related assumptions: (a) the existing structure and culture of the armed forces are well adapted to the requirements of combat; and (b) politically imposed change is harmful to the professionalism and effectiveness of the military. These can be dangerous assumptions. Instead, the traditional "truths" about the nature of unit cohesion and the optimal capabilities of individual soldiers and officers need to be periodically examined. Doing so can maximize the effectiveness of military organizations in a changing environment.

Examines women's changing roles in the military in the wake of the Persian Gulf War & the potential impact of these changes for activist-based theories of feminist antimilitarism, including ecofeminism. Conventional theories of feminist antimilitarism have typically endorsed the notion of women as peacekeepers. But as the Persian Gulf War demonstrates, women are beginning to occupy important combat positions in ways that upset the equation of women with peace. This has generated a larger social debate on the place of women in combat, & on women's gender identity in general. It is suggested that this war was framed in the mainstream media as a rebirth of masculinity in the wake of the Vietnam War & as a technicization & domestication of notions of mother & nature. To combat this frame, it is argued that socialist ecofeminist must develop an alternative vision that works from the personal to the international & derives strategies closely connected to the context of their generation. D. M. Smith

Participation in military combat has historically conferred upon men the distinction of full citizenship. The right to bear arms in defense of one's country has been viewed as a privilege to be denied to inferior or passive segments of society, namely, women, children, & slaves. With the extension of government involvement into areas of welfare & national security, civil service offers new alternatives to civic responsibility & citizenship. Thus, the present arguments favoring the inclusion of women in the combative forces accompanies a general decline in military prestige. This is not to say that active F participation in the armed forces no longer poses a serious threat to traditional military concepts in terms of the military as a homogeneous, elitist organization & the soldier in battle whose duty is to protect & defend the women waiting for him at home. Even in wartime when F participation in defense-related efforts rose, women continued to be confined to auxiliary, supportive roles. Although the movement to include women in combat assignment is a logical step toward removing the vesitiges of M supremacy, its achievement will involve consideration of the desirability of the military combat unit in the light of significant social change. P. Hoye.

Germany serves as a case study of when and how members of intersectional groups-individuals belonging to two or more disadvantaged social categories-capture the attention of policymakers, and what happens when they do. This edited volume identifies three venues through which intersectional groups are able to form alliances and generate policy discussions regarding their concerns. Original empirical case studies focus on a wide range of timely subjects, including the intersexed, gender and disability rights, lesbian parenting, women working in STEM fields, workers' rights in feminized sectors, women in combat, and Muslim women and girls

Germany serves as a case study of when and how members of intersectional groups—individuals belonging to two or more disadvantaged social categories—capture the attention of policymakers, and what happens when they do. This edited volume identifies three venues through which intersectional groups are able to form alliances and generate policy discussions of their concerns. Original empirical case studies focus on a wide range of timely subjects, including the intersexed, gender and disability rights, lesbian parenting, women working in STEM fields, workers' rights in feminized sectors, women in combat, and Muslim women and girls

Germany serves as a case study of when and how members of intersectional groups—individuals belonging to two or more disadvantaged social categories—capture the attention of policymakers, and what happens when they do. This edited volume identifies three venues through which intersectional groups are able to form alliances and generate policy discussions regarding their concerns. Original empirical case studies focus on a wide range of timely subjects, including the intersexed, gender and disability rights, lesbian parenting, women working in STEM fields, workers' rights in feminized sectors, women in combat, and Muslim women and girls.

Nitzan Lebovic, Zionism and Melancholy: The Short Life of Israel Zarchi (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019), 186 pp. Hardback, $80.00.Anat Y. Zanger, Jerusalem in Israeli Cinema: Wanderers, Nomads, and the Walking Dead (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2020), 166 pp. Hardback, $89.95.Ayelet Harel-Shalev and Shir Daphna-Tekoah, Breaking the Binaries in Security Studies: A Gendered Perspective of Women in Combat (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020), 168 pp. Hardback, $74.00.

Discusses research into the predominance of males in warfare, including the role of culture and biology, focusing on the book "War and gender: how gender shapes the war system and vice versa," by Joshua S. Goldstein; 3 articles. Contents: Rough-and-tumble world: men writing about gender and war, by Matthew Evangelista; Gender and war: causes, constructions, and critique, by Elisabeth Prugl; Uniform justice: assessing women in combat, by Elizabeth Kier.

This paper examines the value of liberal rights in launching a political movement against sexual harassment, while reassessing their limitations for changing the practice of harassment. For rights to benefit women, decision makers must mean the same thing women do when speaking of sexual harassment. The paper analyzes how dominant ideology misshapes the delivery of rights against sexual harassment, normalizes male aggression, and reconstructs the struggle into one not about power but about taste, free speech, and a conflict between abstract rights. The paper examines how other rights discourses can empower women to combat harassment in a proactive way.

"The aim of this article is to analyse the development of the concepts of equal opportunities between men and women and gender mainstreaming with regard to a new policy approach taken outside the traditional community method and to raise the question to what extent these policy instruments can be considered as a 'new tool' to combat gender discrimination. The European Employment Strategy (EES) and the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) are two examples of an instrument outside the community method, which tries to increase the recognition of the gender dimension of the labour market and to improve the initiatives taken in the interrelated field of social inclusion of women by the use of 'soft' policy instruments and voluntarist procedures. The paper illustrates the development of the concept of equal opportunities between men and women and gender mainstreaming under the EES and the OMC; more precisely, the paper seeks to demonstrate that the concepts of equal opportunities between men and women and gender mainstreaming cannot be addressed by reference to harmonisation instruments exclusively, but need, due to the diverse approach towards gender equality on a national level, a decentralised approach as it is offered by the coordination instrument, which should be understood as a complementary tool of integration." (author's abstract)

This article reports on recent developments in policy on gender integration in the United Kingdom's armed forces, whereby women's employment opportunities have widened significantly since the early 1980s. These changes include increases in women's representation and the number of positions they are allowed to occupy; abolition of the Women's Royal Army Corps (WRAC) and Women's Royal Naval Service (WRNS); assigning women to combat ships, and training women as jet fighter pilots. Drawing on official reports and statistics and formal interviews with military and civilian defense officials, we analyze the main factors that have led the United Kingdom to make these policy changes. These factors are: demographic pressures, sociocultural changes in gender definitions, legal constraints (particularly from the European Union), and changing views of policy makers on whether women can and should serve in combat roles. The article highlights a number of implications of the policy changes.

Women involved in all aspects of the United States Armed Forces face mental health needs that are unique from women in the general population. Because the most recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are involving more women in combat situations, social workers encounter female clients who are increasingly experiencing post-traumatic stress disorder, substance misuse, and sexual violence. Special attention must be paid particularly to women who serve in the National Guard or Reserves, as they have different concerns than enlisted active duty women. These concerns include less social support and fewer resources upon return from deployment. Thus, it is imperative for social workers in the community to be aware of these military women's experiences and unique mental health challenges in order to effectively treat their needs.