Suchergebnisse

The present study investigates the participation of French women at war as reflected in documents, media, diaries. Women emancipation, pacifism, socialism, feminism, are but a few issues introduced with this study. The main purpose was to analyze the impact of interventionist state policies on women life in France, and to reveal its social, political and cultural outcomes that altogether generated the upheaval of the French Civilization.

The article investigates the political mechanisms specific to contemporary Romanian politics and political parties, as well as those social representations related to gender roles and the
definition of family that have contributed to maintaining a low level of women participation in
Romanian politics after 1989. In a first part, it sets the conceptual context through a review of the
main theoretical approaches for the political representation of women, with an emphasis on
gender studies' cognitive dimension. Second, it connects a quantitative evaluation of women's
presence in the Romanian post communist parliament with a qualitative analysis of public (i.e.
mass media) discourse of the rejected legislative proposal to introduce gender quotas in various
political and social processes. The author finds that, beyond the dynamics of political elites'
recruitment and the functioning of the political "game", the ideological options and social
representations that emphasize the differences between men and women, as well the central role
of family in building gender roles play an essential part in maintaining a low number of women
within the Parliament.

Unlike in most Western contexts, women's emancipation in communist Romania was a
top down processes, part of the social change platform imposed by the Communist Party. And
unlike the Romanian political regimes that preceded communism, it was justified by the latter as "natural", with women presented as integrated in all everyday life activities. Permeating throughout all layers of society, this emancipation was performed through propaganda in the written press and cinematography, as the Party used varied means to promote a positive imaginary
of women in communism. However, the difference between the Party's propaganda on women and the reality of women during communism was not only striking but had a significant impact on women's status and role in Romania even after the fall of the communist regime.

The positive, unifying ideological resources of liberal and progressive Islamic interpretations deserve more than ever to be exploited in the contemporary socio-political context. Their conceptual tools, principles and theses could solve the conflictual cleavage, politically manipulated, between Islam and Western modernity, without repudiating the references to an Islamic paradigm. Therefore, liberal and progressive Islamic understandings could avoid the recent superficial oscillation between two ideological -artificially constructed- extremes, namely either confining the discussions to the secular, colonialist or postcolonialist perspectives, or promoting the defensive opportunist neotraditionalist Islamic approaches, specific to the nationalist movements of the last century so-called Islamic revival. Liberal Islam does not fully adopt all liberal theses and does not obediently imitate Western philosophy. Liberal Islamic understandings are defined by the opposition against teocracy and by supporting the democracy. Women, minorities and non-Muslims' rights in Muslim-majority countries, freedom of thought and trust in human progress, are other essential tenets that are fundamented on contemporary understandings of the major Islamic sources. Trying to correct some excesses that the liberal Muslims were accused of, but maintaining the reformist tendencies, progressive Muslims' approach is centered on a "multiple critiqueˮ ‒ a simultaneous critique of the diverse discourses and communities in which Muslims are situated. Not only the authoritarian constructions of literalist, puritanist Muslims, the violation of human rights, freedom of expression and of religion, the oppression of women in some Muslim countries are condemned and deconstructed, but also some political, economic, intellectual hegemonic Western aspects of modernity. In Romania these contemporary tendencies of interpreting Islam are not yet represented at a community level.

The socio-professional element in marital options was extremely reduced taking into account that we have considered a rural area almost in its entirety. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, this world used to have a strong traditional propensity with a low number of professional options, as most inhabitants were mainly involved in agriculture. As a consequence, when speaking about the socio-professional determinism in choosing a marriage partner, we have to take into account the fact that most youth getting married had mostly rural professions. On the other hand, the socio-professional element was more active in urban area and in the environment dominated by Roman-Catholic or Reformed population.
The social and professional status undoubtedly had an important role in achieving and settling a family despite the reduced number of options. Personal emancipation and socio-professional status had a determining influence on choosing a partner. The phenomenon was more obvious in the city and towards the beginning of the 20th century in other rural places, where the traditional left room to a process of socio-economic modernisation under the influence of the increasing number of non-agricultural activities. As one can easily anticipate, these changes led to new mental perceptions and hence to a new reaction of the community. Deep changes could be noticed as this area joined an economic circuit leading to new mutations in several economic sectors. Economic development and the spreading of non-agricultural activities associated to urban development whose influence was ever growing entailed changes in family relations. There were also mutations in family relations, domestic group and household resources. These changes were not yet visible in all places in the region: some were still anchored in the traditional where the new had a hard time to penetrate, while major changes on the level of the collective mental could not be seized during the time we analysed.
The large scale analysis of the phenomenon has led to the conclusion that where there were better socio-professional options, their determinism on marriage could be identified as highly important. How can we determine the way in which the socio-professional element influenced marriage? To what extent a young man with a superior social and professional status had more marital options? To what extent other "constraints" (confession, ethnie, civil status, age, etc.) were less important when facing strong socio-professional determinism? More precisely, was a man with a superior socio-professional status wanted by many young women despite old age, his civil status as a widower or a divorcee, of if he had a different confession or ethnie? To identify the mechanism of this determinism, we suggest a more complex analysis where the socio-professional element should be corroborated with other marriage determinisms or constraints. From these premises, we will attempt to make a methodological analysis of the socio-professional status from three points of view: ethno-confessional element, civil status and age of partners.

The first elections to which the Romanians from all the united historical provinces took part were the parliamentary elections of November 2-8, 1919. The elections were held on the basis of the articles of a new electoral law that introduced the universal vote in the electoral practice in Romania. Thus, the Romanian rural area has become an attractive electoral basin for the political parties. Subsequently, the extension of voting rights for women also made the rural area a constant provider of votes for the candidates of political parties in both parliamentary and local elections. The first election exercise under the conditions of an extended electoral space was the local elections of February-March 1930, which were held in stages. On February 5, 1930 elections were held at the county level, and between February 9 and March 16, 1930 at the level of communes. In the communes with several villages the elections for the local councils took place on the days of 9-12 February, in the ones with a single village between 9-12, 16-19, 23-26 February and 2-4 March, and in the cities and municipalities on March 14 and 16, 1930. On February 5, 1930 elections were held for the Cahul County Council. But, the results and the way of conducting the elections were contested. On February 21, 1930, the local review committee of Chișinau admitted the contest against the elections of February 5, 1930 of the Cahul County Council and invalidated the respective elections. The Minister of the Interior Theodor C. Marinescu by his telegram from April 30, 1930 ordered the Local Ministerial Director III Chisinau to comply with the order of the Ministry of Interior no. 1972 of April 2, 1930 and to dispose, according to art. 388 of Law 167/1929 "the convening of the electoral body for the election of the Cahul county council, whose election was invalidated, necessarily until June 1, 1930". In the circumstances created, the Local Ministerial Director III Chișinau ordered the summons of the voters from Cahul county on June 1, 1930, to conduct the county elections. At the new elections on June 1, 1930, only three electoral competitors entered the race, with one less than at the February 5 elections: the National Peasant Party with two lists and the Liberal Party with a list. On the electoral lists for the participation in the county elections of June 1, 1930, 40,403 voters were included in the 15 polling stations. 24,153 voters participated in the elections, which constitutes 59.78% of the total number of those included in the lists. A considerable number of votes - 1,050, were canceled, and 287 declared void. The number of legally cast votes was 22,816. In the result of the election the electoral competitors obtained the following results: The National-Peasant Party, on both lists - 17,903 votes or 78.47% of the legally expressed votes and the Liberal Party - 4,913 votes or 21.53% of the legally expressed votes. The elections of June 1 in the Cahul county council were held under the conditions that the National-Peasant Party had achieved an absolute victory in the other counties of the country - 81.77% of the county councilors' mandates. The meeting to establish the Cahul County Council took place on July 27, 1930. The Cahul County Council elected, for a period of 5 years, as president of the Delegation of the county council the lawyer S. Botezatu, who obtained 19 votes out of 30. Members of the delegation of the county council were elected councilors V.Uzun, C. Rădulescu, Gh. Chirciu and A. Sprînceană. With the validation of the county councilors and the legal constitution of the county council's governing bodies, we can consider that the epic of elections for the county council in 1930 were completed.

Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; CONSILIUL ȘTIINȚIFIC: prof. univ. dr. Ștefan Afloroaei (Universitatea "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" din Iași ; România) ; prof. univ. dr. habil. Constantin Chiriac (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu ; România) ; prof. univ. dr. Petr Kopecký (Universitatea din Leiden ; Germania) ; prof. univ. dr. Mihaela Miroiu (Școala Națională de Studii Politice și Administrative ; România) ; acad. pr. prof. univ. dr. Mircea Păcurariu (Academia Română) ; acad. prof. univ. dr. Ioan-Aurel Pop (Academia Română) ; conf. univ. dr. Marci Shore (Universitatea Yale ; Statele Unite ale Americii) ; prof. univ. dr. Stefan Sienerth (Universitatea "Ludwig Maximilian" din München ; Germania) ; prof. univ. dr. habil. Andrei Terian (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu ; România) ; acad. prof. univ. dr. Alexandru Zub (Academia Română). REDACȚIA: Redactor-șef: Radu Vancu ; Redactori: Dragoș Varga ; Vlad Pojoga. Secretar de redacție: Ștefan Baghiu. ; Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 cuprinde următoarele articole: ISTORIE ŞI STUDII CULTURAL • HISTORY AND CULTURAL STUDIES »» Ioan Stanomir ; Gherea: în preajma revoluţiei. • Gherea – In the Eve of the Revolution. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 1-3 ; Paul Brusanowski ; Mişcări naţionale separatiste în Austro-Ungaria în anii primului război mondial (O cronologie a Unirii Transilvaniei cu România după presa vremii. I). • National Separatist Movements in Austro-Hungaria during World War I (A Chronology of the Union Between Transylvania and Romania in the Papers of the Time. I). În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 4-12 ; Dan Popescu ; Mihail Manoilescu. Schiţă de portret. • Mihail Manoilescu – Portrait Outline. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 13-20 ; Raul-Marian Todor ; Concursurile sportive interşcolare de la Blaj în perioada interbelică. • Inter-School Sport Contests from Blaj that took place during the Inter-War Period. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 21-26 ; Dionisie Vladimir Turcu ; File din istoria sportului școlar interbelic la liceul "Andrei Şaguna" din Braşov. • Snippets From The History of Interwar School Sport at "Andrei Șaguna" High School Of Brașov. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 27-33 ; STUDII LITERARE • LITERARY STUDIES »» Bogdan Creţu ; Povestea poveştilor sau desacralizarea sacrului. • "Povestea poveștilor" or the The Desacralization of the Sacred. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 34-39 ; Ovio Olaru ; Forever postmodern. Importul unui concept. • Forever Postmodern. Importing a Concept. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 40-46 ; Andreea-Maria Preda ; L'évasion impossible de Lena Constante – résistance et remémoration. • The Impossible Escape. The Political Prison for Women in Miercurea Ciuc 1957-1961" by Lena Constante – resistance and remembrance. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 47-51 ; Daniela Moldoveanu ; Max Blecher' Symbolic Embodiment of Textual Identity. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 52-56 ; Dragoş Varga ; A Cultural Obsession: the Foundation of Roumanian Clacissism. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 57-60 ; Anca Pirnoiu ; Empowering The Self: The Authority Of Identity in Matei Călinescu's "Un Fel de Jurnal". În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 61-65 ; Maria Fărâmă ; Fatalism şi mrejele (ne)istoricului în romanele "Laur" şi "Aviatorul" de Evgheni Vodolaykyn. • Fatalism and (Non)Historical Vision in "Laurus" and "The Aviator" by Eugene Vodolazkin. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 66-72 ; ŞTIINŢELE LIMBII • LANGUAGE SCIENCES »» Radu Drăgulescu ; O cercetare calitativă asupra învăţării limbii române ca limbă străină în context endo-lingvistic. • A Qualitative Research on Learning Romanian as a Foreign Language in Endo-linguistic Context. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 73-81: Laodamia Dascăl ; Power In Media Discourse and Media Structures: Power Relations in the Standardizing of Gender Representations in Romanian Mass Publishing. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 82-89 ; Oana-Maria Bîrlea ; The Transfer Of Power In Japanese Advertising Discourse. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 90-96.