Suchergebnisse

The worldââ'¬â"¢s largest rabbit meat producer (460.000 tons in 2004) and exporter (6.397 tons) is China but their import is negligible. Italy is Europeansââ'¬â"¢s leading producer (second of the world: 222.000 tons). Italyââ'¬â"¢s rabbit meat import was the largest worldwide between 1990 and 1994 but in 2004 it was at the 4th position (2.320 tons). With its decreasing import the export is increasing and it reached 6.231 tons in 2003. Spain is at the second position in the European production (100.610 tons in 2004). With the increasing production it is among the top five countries in export (4.629 tons in 2004) but its import is small (441 tons in 2004). The largest importer country is Germany (7.589; 4.958 and 4.487 tons in 2002, 2003 and 2004, respectively). Its production was between 33.000 and 34.000 tons (between 1990 and 2004) but the export was small. The Netherlands is among the five countries that are exporting the largest amount of rabbit meat. They owned the first position (8.940 tons in 1998; 11.187 tons in 2001) then the second position (3.574 tons in 2004) after China. Hungary is at the 10th position in rabbit production (7.500 tons in 2004) and the country is among the leading exporters having the second-third place of the world (5.391 tons in 2004) but the country has no import at all. ; A világon Kína állítja elő a legtöbb nyúlhúst (2004-ben 460.000 tonna), ők exportálják a legnagyobb mennyiséget (6.397 tonna), de importjuk jelentéktelen. Európa első, a világ második legnagyobb termelője Olaszország (222.000 tonna 2004-ben). 1990 és 1994 között még ők importálták a legtöbb nyúlhúst, de 2004-ben már csak a 4. helyen álltak (2.320 tonna). Az import csökkenésével egyidejűleg nő az exportjuk, ami 2003-ban 6.231 tonnát ért el. Spanyolország Európában a második legnagyobb termelő (2004-ben 100.610 tonna). A termelésük növekedésével már a legtöbbet exportáló öt ország között vannak (2004-ben 4.629 tonna), de importjuk alacsony (2004-ben 441 tonna). A világon Németország importálja a legtöbb nyúlhúst (2002, 2003 és 2004-ben 7.589, 4.958 és 4.487 tonna). Termelésük 1990-től 33.000 és 34.000 tonna közötti, de kis mennyiséget exportálnak (2002, 2003 és 2004-ben 365, 305 és 173 tonna). Hollandia az öt legtöbb nyulat exportáló ország között található: 1998 (8.490 tonna) és 2001 (16.125 tonna) között az első helyen álltak, 2004-ben a másodikok (3.574 tonna). Ugyanakkor nagy mennyiségű nyúlhúst exportálnak, 2004-ben (8.716 tonna) és 2001- ben (11.187 tonna) Kína után a második helyet foglalták el. Magyarország termelésben a világon a 10. helyen áll (2004-ben 7.500 tonna), egyúttal a fő exportáló országok között a 2. és 3. helyet foglaljuk el (2004-ben 5.391 tonna), de egyáltalán nem importálunk nyulat.

Considering the Hungarian civic sphere, its situation and characteristics are far from clear and unambiguous equally for nonprofessional and experts, despite the legal regulation. Nonprofit reports of The Hungarian Statistical Office provide data of the sector since 1993. The judicial online browser also runs a database to identify and acquire most important features of organizations of the civic sector. Still, there are only few results of secondary analysis or primary research, dependently or independently from them. The analysis of the reporting requirements seems to be novel field of the civic related researches, the main reason for the examinations are the latest media reports, where those organizations are highlighted, who cannot meet the subsidy related reporting requirement, who do not reveal their financial reports or simply there is some kind of an anomaly of the 1% personal income tax offering. Since 2011, civic organizations' reports are (or should be) available in the judicial browser, the objective of the examination is – in relationship with it – to understand how the way of reporting has changed and in what detail organizations are willing to report on their activities. Our results show that a not demanding reporting expectation of the court meets the reporting laziness of some of the civic organizations. ; Amennyiben ma Magyarországon a civil szféráról beszélünk, a törvényi szabályozás ellenére sem messze egyértelmű kép tárul a laikus vagy épp a szakember számára. A KSH nonprofit tájékoztatóiban 1993 óta állnak rendelkezésre adatok, a bírósági online kereső civil szervezetek azonosítására, főbb adatainak megismerésére működtet adatbázist, mindemellett, ezektől függetlenül vagy épp ezekre alapozva kevés a további másodelemzés, vagy épp empirikus jellegű kutatás. A civil szervezetek beszámolási kötelezettségeivel kapcsolatos vizsgálódás újszerű területe a civilek kutatásának, apropóját pedig épp a sajtóban egyre több alkalommal megjelenő cikkek adják: civilek, akik nem tudnak támogatásokkal elszámolni, akik nem teszik közé beszámolóikat vagy épp az SZJA 1% kapcsán vélelmezhető valamiféle anomália. 2011 óta a civilek beszámolói is hozzáférhetőek (vagy annak kellene lenniük) a bírósági online keresőben, és a kutatások célja ezzel összefüggésben pedig éppen az, hogy miként és hogyan változott a beszámolási kötelezettség, megfelelően kitöltötteke a beszámolók, és mennyire hajlandóak részleteiben is beszámolni a szervezetek működésükről. Az eredmények szerint úgy tűnik, hogy a kevésbé kiélezett elvárásnak a beszámolási hajlandóság lazasága is velejárója.

Administrative procedures, as well as public bodies that carry out these procedures, ought to perform functions related to the application of administrative law in a constantly changing social, economic, and political environment. This presents them with new challenges and expectations time and time again. According to the findings of the this study, the relation of transparency and administrative procedures – which could be described as a type of historically rooted but, at the same time, contemporary expectation towards public administration – fits in the above concept. The study attempts to interpret and define the concept of transparency on the basis of the terminology used by international organisations in the field of the examination of administrative procedures, and thus to highlight the issues, divergences and their causes.

After the change of the regime in Hungary, significant restructuration occurred in the field of polity and public administration. Current, well-known structures of local governments and its supporting administrations have been formulated as a result of this process. The structure has been changed, but only partly, as habituations did not allow an overall change. Due to the recognition of this fact, ÁROP programme had been launched since 2007 in several periods, which supported the efforts in organization development of municipalities and local administration. However, the expected success failed, since the long term upkeep of changes was not established, or the needed commitment did not exist. Responsibility of organization development enterprises is not unimportant at all. Our organization worked out several studies in the frame of ÁROP programme. Careful investigation of the current situation is the establishment and precondition of organization development. This is followed by the elaboration of the conception. These can be carried out by several methods as adapted questionnaires, targeted interviews, focus group interviews, working day record, document analysis, SWOT analysis, life cycle analysis and at last but not least CAF questionnaire. Methods to be applied from these have to be selected according to the aims of the research.

In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia. ; In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia.