Suchergebnisse

Trgovina z orožjem za marsikatere države in podjetja pomeni velik vir zaslužka. Problem je v tem, ker poleg zakonitega trga z orožjem, obstajata tudi sivi in črni trg. Zato je pomembno, da se vzpostavi celovit in učinkovit nadzor nad trgovino z orožjem. Že od leta 1978 se v resolucijah Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov omenja potreba po pogajanjih glede omejitve mednarodnih prenosov konvencionalnega orožja. Šestintrideset let pozneje je začela veljati prva mednarodna pogodba, ki celovito ureja mednarodno trgovino s konvencionalnim orožjem, Pogodba o trgovini z orožjem (PTO). V procesu nastajanja pogodbe so ves čas sodelovale tudi nevladne organizacije, saj je za vzpostavitev učinkovitega mednarodnopravnega instrumenta pomembno sodelovanje med državami in civilno družbo. PTO je tudi prva mednarodna pogodba, ki ureja prenos osebnega in lahkega orožja. Ravno slednje zaradi svojih lastnosti (enostavno za uporabo, prenosljivost, dolgotrajnost, lahka dostopnost širšemu krogu ljudi) povzroča trpljenje mnogih ljudi. Določbe PTO pa ne posegajo v že urejen sistem pridobivanja orožja, ki velja za športne strelce, lovce in zbiratelje orožja. PTO oboroževanja ne prepoveduje, saj spoštuje pravico vsake države do samoobrambe, temveč le vzpostavlja večjo preglednost nad trgovanjem s konvencionalnim orožjem med državami pogodbenicami. Posebnost PTO je izvajanje po metodi korak po korak, kar omogoča njeno postopno uveljavitev in prilagoditev njenega izvajanja dejanskim razmeram. Učinkovito izvedbo PTO preprečuje nesistematična ureditev kategorij konvencionalnega orožja, streliva in minsko-eksplozivnih sredstev, delov in sestavnih delov orožja, dejavnosti prenosa in neurejenost nadzora nad trgovino s stroji in materiali, ki omogočajo izdelavo orožja in streliva. PTO tudi ne vzpostavlja učinkovitega sistema sankcij za države, ki kršijo pogodbene obveznosti. ; Arms trade has been a large source of profit for various countries and companies. The major problem is that beside legal arms industry there exists grey and black markets. It is thus very important to set up a complete and efficient control of the arms trade. Ever since 1978, The General Assembly of the United Nations in its resolutions has emphasised the need to reach agreements on limiting the international transfer of conventional weapons. Thirty-six years later, the first international treaty that entirely regulates conventional arms trade entered into force. The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) thus came into effect. Many non-governmental organisations were also engaged in the process of treaty making, since the establishment of the efficient international legal instruments required the cooperative efforts of countries as well as civil societies. The ATT is the first international treaty regulating the transfer of small arms and light weapons. The latter is the one whose features (easy to use, mobility, durability and easy access to a wider public) cause suffering to many people. The rules and regulations of the ATT do not interfere with the already established system of weapon acquisition that is valid for sports marksmen, hunters and weapons collectors. The ATT do not ban armaments, since each country has a legal right to self-defense. Its aim is to establish better transparency over the conventional arms trade among the states parties. The distinctive feature of the ATT is a step-by-step method, and in this way the treaty is gradually enforced and its implementation adapted for actual situations. Nevertheless, the efficient enforcement of the ATT is prevented by the non-systematic regulation of conventional arms, ammunition, munitions, as well as of parts and components of weapons. The arms transfer activities, the non-systematic monitoring of machine and material commerce that enable arms and ammunition production are also the factors that prevent the implementation of the treaty. The ATT do not establish an efficient system of sanctions against states that violate contractual obligations.

Razvoj človeških virov je bistvenega pomena pri doseganju uspeha za katero koli vrsto organizacije: profitne, javne ali civilne. Stanje civilne družbe je odvisno od okolja, tj. habitata, v katerem deluje. Cilj magistrske naloge je raziskati zavzetost zaposlenih v civilni družbi na Hrvaškem. V vsaki državi je sektor civilne družbe različen in se sooča s posebnimi izzivi. Sektor civilne družbe na Hrvaškem je še vedno v zgodnjih fazah razvoja in je pogosto povezan s podhranjenostjo s človeškimi viri. Mnoge civilnodružbene organizacije na Hrvaškem v celoti temeljijo na prostovoljnem delu. V nalogi smo se osredotočili na hrvaške civilno-družbene organizacije, ki imajo zaposlene. Teza je bila izbrana na podlagi vse več literature, ki se ukvarja z zavzetostjo zaposlenih v kontekstu razvoja civilne družbe. Izbran raziskovalni pristop je kombinacija kvantitativne (anketa) in kvalitativne (delno strukturiran intervju) metode. Intervjuji so bili uporabljeni kot dopolnitev k opravljenim anketam. Ključne ugotovitve kažejo, da so ne glede na finančno nestabilnost in nagnjenost k izgorelosti zaposleni v civilnodružbenih organizacijah na Hrvaškem relativno visoko zavzeti. ; The development of human resources is paramount in achieving success for any type of an organization: profit, public or the civil one. The state of the civil society is dependent on the surrounding context i.e. habitat in which it is operating. This paper aims to zoom into EE in the civil society in Croatia. The civil society sector is different in every country and it is facing unique challenges. In Croatia, the civil society is in its early phase of development, and is characterized by being under-capacitated, especially regarding its human resources. Many CSOs (in Croatia) are completely based on voluntary work. In this paper we have focused on Croatian CSOs that have employees. The thesis has been chosen based on the growing amount of literature on the topic of EE in context to the developing civil society. The research methods that have been used are a combination of the qualitative (the survey) and the quantitative (the semi-structured interviews) method. The interviews have been used as an addition to the surveys rendered. The main findings indicate that the employees in the civil society in Croatia, in spite of the financial instability and the burnout connected to their working environment, demonstrate relatively high engagement.

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

V magistrskem delu obravnavam vpliv svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize, ki je nastala leta 2007 v Združenih državah Amerike ter se nemudoma globalizirala po vseh celinah, na delovanje nevladnih organizacij. V prvi vrsti gre za pereč problem sodobnega sveta, pri čemer pa je za nevladne organizacije, ki delujejo v človekovo dobrobit, značilno, da so večinoma še bolj aktivne v času raznih kriz. Glavni cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, kako je svetovna finančna in gospodarska kriza vplivala na financiranje ter posledično delovanje nevladne organizacije Greenpeace ter s kakšnimi izzivi se dandanes srečujejo nevladne organizacije. Glavne uporabljene metode raziskovanja so metoda pridobivanja podatkov, statistična metoda in primerjalna analiza. Rezultati analize pokažejo, da je obdobje pred nastankom svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize (od leta 2005 do leta 2007) zaznamoval presežek prihodkov nevladne organizacije Greenpeace nad njenimi odhodki. V obdobju med svetovno finančno in gospodarsko krizo (od leta 2008 do leta 2009) je prišlo do upada presežka njenih prihodkov nad odhodki, obdobje po nastanku svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize (od leta 2010 do leta 2015) pa je zaznamovalo konstantno nihanje presežka njenih prihodkov nad odhodki. Na podlagi ugotovitev je nevladna organizacija Greenpeace v obdobju od leta 2008 do leta 2009 zaradi vpliva svetovne finančne in gospodarske krize beležila upad subvencij, dotacij, regresov, kompenzacij in drugih prihodkov ter posledično namenila manj finančnih sredstev za globalne okoljevarstvene aktivnosti. ; This master's thesis discuss the impact of the global financial and economic crisis, that emerged in 2007 in the United States and immediately globalized across all continents, to the functioning of non-governmental organizations. It represents a pressing problem of the modern world, wherefore non-governmental organizations are more active in times of various crises. The main goal of the master's thesis is to find out how the global financial and economic crisis affected non-governmental organization's Greenpeace financing and functioning and furthermore with what kind of challenges are non-governmental organizations encountered these days. The main methods of research used are the method of data acquisition, statistical method and comparative analysis. The results of the analysis show that the period preceding the onset of the global financial and economic crisis (from 2005 to 2007) was marked by a surplus of the non-governmental organization Greenpeace. In the period between the global financial and economic crisis (from 2008 to 2009) the surplus reduced. The period after the onset of the global financial and economic crisis (from 2010 to 2015) was marked by a constant fluctuation in the surplus. On the basis of the findings non-governmental organization Greenpeace due to the impact of the global financial and economic crisis (from 2008 to 2009) recorded a decline in subsidies, grants, regressions, compensations and other revenues, wherefore devoted less financial resources to global environmental activities.

Although the new international economic
order (NIEO) has mostly been assessed as a failure, its
ideas still seem relevant in today's crisis environment.
The new context clearly shows that the existing liberal
international order is ineffective and calls for deep
changes like in the times of the developing countries'
fight for the NIEO. The article considers whether its
principles remain of relevance today, which ones have
been amended and which should be newly introduced,
all based on NIEO-related lessons. Dilemmas between
international law or a rules-based order as a framework for global governance and whether the proposed
new inclusive global economic order is to be based on
values (and if so, which) are evaluated.
Keywords: new international economic order, new
inclusive global economic order, rules-based order, values, principles, international law, global governance,
lessons

This paper examines the concept of banal nationalism as often unconscious,
routine processes that nations reproduce on a daily basis. Banal nationalism is
recognisable in the use of national symbols but also in language and culture. The
purpose of this paper is to determine whether Slovenian folk-pop music is one of
these processes, and in which ways and strategies we can detect its reproductive
role in banal nationalism that on a daily basis reminds its listeners of their national
identities. Methodologically, the article is based on the content and a textual
analysis of compositions by three of the most often listened to folk-pop ensembles,
demonstrating that the national narrative can be identified in a smaller proportion
of all analysed compositions in three sections: the idea of nation as an imaginary
community or home(land), national (auto)stereotypes, and patriotic feelings.

V članku, ki temelji na analizi posebne študije, ki jo je leta 1916 pripravilo avstro-ogrsko poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, so predstavljeni pogledi visokega vojaškega poveljstva na politično dogajanje na Hrvaškem v času prve svetovne vojne. Skladno z vsebino omenjene študije bo tudi v pričujočem članku posebna pozornost posvečena italijanskemu iredentizmu in južnoslovanskim težnjam na otokih Kvarnerja, kot tudi delovanju Jugoslovanskega odbora. V sklopu avstro-ogrskega vojnega absolutizma je poveljstvo, ki je nastalo ob vstopu Kraljevine Italije v vojno, ob vodenju vojne proti novemu nasprotniku pridobilo tudi obsežna politična pooblastila. Slednja so vojaškim organom omogočila nadzor nad v očeh oblasti nevernimi in cesarju ter državi nezvestimi skupinami in posamezniki. ; The outbreak of the First World War Apart presented Austria-Hungary not only with military questions but also with major political issues. The very existence of the state now crucially rested on the attitude of civilian population, with any possible unrest in the rear threatening the stability of the entire country. In this regard, the onset of the war ushered in the period of the so-called "war absolutism", with which the state boosted its surveillance of what it considered "dangerous" individuals and groups. The state surveillance apparatus incorporated numerous state and provincial bodies, including military structures. This article aims to analyze a special study that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front issued in 1916, with a particular focus on analyzing the political attitude among the Italian and Croatian population of Istria, and the activities of the Southern Slav Committee. The said command also prepared similar studies evaluating the disposition of the Slovenian and Italian inhabitants of Southern Tyrol. The study of the developments in Istria is titled Staatsfeindliche Bewegungen in Fiume und Kroatien sowie auf den Inseln im Quarnero (Anti-State Movements in Rijeka, Croatia, and the Kvarner Islands). In the first part, the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front analyzed local irredentism and provided a detailed description of organizations and individuals at the heart of the movement. Surveillance of irredentist cells grew in its importance especially after the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary in May 1915. The empire and its army began to perceive irredentism as a serious threat, deeming that organized resistance, diversion operations, and political disobedience in the rear might aggravate the military situation on the front. The second part of the study, more interesting from the Croatian point of view, centers on activities of the Southern Slav Committee and the Southern Slav movement on Krk Island. Regarding the latter, it is especially noteworthy that the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front declared Anton Mahnič, Bishop of Krk, as its central figure. Although most views presented are based on the analysis of various newspaper articles and individual reports, the booklet offers an interesting insight into the dimensions of state surveillance both at home and abroad. More specifically, an association of the Southern Slav emigration, the Southern Slav Committee was regarded by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front and the state leadership as a dangerous organization embodying, through its desire to unify the Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs with the Kingdom of Serbia, a destabilizing force undermining the Habsburg unity. Accordingly, the study focused more closely on the prominent members of the Southern Slav Committee, such as its president Ante Trumbić, as well as Franjo Supilo, and Bogumil Vošnjak. Although the study clearly established that many data contained therein were of questionable credibility, its authors nevertheless maintained that this did not diminish its significance or the significance of the views regarding all "dangerous" individuals and associations within and beyond the state borders. The study presented in the article offers an extremely interesting insight into the dimensions of the Austro-Hungarian state and military surveillance during the First World War. Such examples not only further substantiate the existing knowledge about "war absolutism" but above all testify to the diligence with which the state addressed the threat of war by exerting surveillance of all "dangerous" structures. In the event of an unrest, the state and the army could use detailed inventories, many also listing names, to persecute and imprison individuals and associations. Moreover, in light of the events that unfolded towards the end of the First World War, both in relation to the Southern Slav integrations and Italian territorial aspirations in Istria and the Bay of Kvarner, it is safe to conclude that the study conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Command of the Southwestern Front accurately evaluated individual "dangerous" cells, which in late October and early November 1918 played a notable role in the destruction of the Habsburg state and the creation of new political entities.