The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to present selected problems of the democratic system in Poland and to propose directions of development improving its operation. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem was to check whether the implementation of modern organizational concepts and ICT solutions can contribute to a more efficient exercise of democratic power and increase its quality? The basic method was both the analysis of public opinion polls on various aspects of the Polish democracy system and a review of the literature on concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part presents the results of public opinion surveys on democracy and its individual areas of operation. The second section presents concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems and its mechanisms. The third section presents selected problems of democracy in Poland and proposals for their changes based on the assumptions of concepts and theories discussed in the second part of the article. RESEARCH RESULTS: The crisis of confidence in the current model of democracy results from the mismatch between its form and development challenges. The implementation of both the concept of e-democracy proposed by the European Parliament and organizational solutions based on the assumptions of concepts and scientific theories related to the study of democratic systems should contribute to increase the effectiveness of democracy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Despite the huge number of publications in the literature and press devoted to democracy, the main focus was either on the assessment of the current state of the system or its elements, or scientific theories related to a given area of democracy. Occasionally, ad hoc proposals for change were indicated, but in this case, they were mostly, without a deeper and broad view of the entire democratic system. This article overcomes the above limitations by combining the assessment of the current perception of democracy with scientific theory, which at the same time provides the basis for proposals for systemic solutions to improve the effectiveness of democracy. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów systemu demokratycznego w Polsce oraz zaproponowanie kierunków rozwoju, poprawiających jego działanie. PROBLEM i METODY BADAWCZE: Problem badawczy dotyczył sprawdzenia czy wdrożenie założeń nowoczesnych koncepcji organizacyjnych i rozwiązań teleinformatycznych może przyczynić się do sprawniejszego sprawowania demokratycznej władzy, a także podwyższenia jej jakości? Podstawową metodą była zarówno analiza badań opinii publicznej o różnych aspektach polskiego systemu demokracji, jak i przegląd literatury przedmiotu dotyczącej koncepcji i teorii naukowych, związanych z badaniem systemów demokratycznych. PROCES WYWODU: W pierwszej części przedstawiono wyniki badań opinii publicznej o demokracji i jej poszczególnych obszarach działania. W drugiej części zaprezentowano koncepcje i teorie naukowe, związane z badaniem systemów demokratycznych i jego mechanizmów. Trzecia część przedstawia wybrane problemy demokracji w Polsce i propozycje ich zmian, opierających się na założeniach koncepcji i teorii omówionych w drugiej części artykułu. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Kryzys zaufania do obecnego modelu demokracji wynika z niedopasowania jej formy do wyzwań rozwojowych. Wdrożenie zarówno koncepcji e-demokracji proponowanej przez Parlament Europejski, jak i rozwiązań organizacyjnych opierających się na założeniach koncepcji i teorii naukowych, związanych z badaniem systemów demokratycznych, powinno przyczynić się do zwiększenia sprawności działania demokracji. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Pomimo ogromnej liczby publikacji w literaturze przedmiotu oraz prasie poświęconej demokracji, to przeważnie skupiano się albo na ocenie obecnego stanu systemu lub jego elementów, albo teoriach naukowych związanych z danym obszarem demokracji. Sporadycznie wskazywano ad hoc propozycje zmian, jednak i w tym przypadku miały one przeważnie charakter bieżącego reagowania na negatywne zjawiska, bez głębszego spojrzenia na cały system demokracji. W niniejszym artykule przezwyciężono powyższe ograniczenia poprzez połączenie oceny obecnego postrzegania demokracji z teorią naukową, które jednocześnie stanowią podstawy propozycji rozwiązań systemowych mających poprawić sprawność działania demokracji.
For the past decade the focus of the U.S. security policy has been changing. After a period of global American hegemony, which took place at the end of the Cold War, the international position of the country is declining; countries such as China, India, Brazil, Russia are moving alongside the United States and Europe as centres of power. Focusing U.S. interest on Asia and the Pacifi c ("Asia Pacifi c pivot") causes a reduction of its interests in Europe. Given these trends U.S and EU policymakers face the challenge to redefine their security and defence cooperation. This applies both to the acquisition by European allies more responsibility for their own safety as well as to develop new mechanisms for cooperation on the line US-NATO-EU relations. The article aims to answer about the current situation and perspectives of EU's place and role in U.S. security policy in the context of redistribution of power in the world politics. The analysis is carried out in the neorealistic paradigm.
Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.
Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.
Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.
Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.
Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.
Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.
The presence of oil is a major distinguishing feature of the Middle East on a global scale. The countries of the region (especially the subregion of the Persian Gulf), which have oil at their disposal, influence the politics of superpowers, not only toward this part of the world. In the 20th century, oil became an effective instrument of politics toward countries which are the greatest consumers of oil, but are not self-sufficient in this respect. The first half of the 20th century was marked by competition for its largest resources and making the oil-producing countries dependent on policies of great oil concerns. It was also the time of the leading role of the oil cartel of "seven sisters". The second half of the 20th century brought a fundamental change in the balance of power in global and regional oil politics. It involved: a growing awareness among governments and societies in oil-exporting countries of how significant oil is as a tool of effective international politics, gradual nationalization of Western associations in control of oil exploration, a change in the formula of distribution of profits from oil exploration and import among oil associations and governments of the oil-producing countries in favor of the latter, and the foundation of OPEC as an effective subject comprising major oil-exporting countries. In the perception of the United States, providing the US with free access to oil resources in the Middle East when the bilateral agreement was binding and after its dissolution, became a primary goal of politics in this part of the world of successive American administrations. A factor permanently shaping the United States' politics in the Middle East was ensuring the US secure energy.
