Suchergebnisse

Since the World War II three Latin American states: Argentina, Brazil, and Chile have been using three different approaches to their higher education policy. Although each of these states declared that higher education was fundamental for their economic, social, and political progress, but due to historical differences these states used different means of supporting access to colleges and universities. The connection between higher education and government policy has been so important because education is considered to be one of the most fundamental human rights. The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights points out that education is necessary for free development of human personality. ; Po II wojnie światowej trzy kraje Ameryki Łacińskiej: Argentyna, Brazylia i Chile wybrały odmienne rozwiązania w swojej polityce wobec szkolnictwa wyższego. Każdy z tych krajów uznał, że wyższe wykształcenie obywateli jest warunkiem rozwoju ekonomicznego, społecznego i politycznego, ale ze względu na historię zastosowały różne metody wspierania dostępu do wykształcenia. Powiązanie wykształcenia z polityką państwa jest o tyle ważne, że dostęp do uczelni traktowany jest jako realizacja jednego z podstawowych praw człowieka – prawa dostępu do edukacji. Zgodnie z Powszechną Deklaracją Praw Człowieka jest to warunek pełnego rozwoju osoby ludzkiej.

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

The article presents the analysis of the relation between two concepts, namely cosmopolitan democracy and agonistic multipolar order, whose author is Chantal Mouffe, in the context of the dispute about the preferred shape of global democracy. Both approaches are presented in the literature as opposing. The main thesis of the present article is the possibility of connecting them, but according to dialectical principles. The point is not about a smooth consensus but about the fact that the contradictions between those views can be treated as a condition of their interweaving. To this aim, I use two theoretical concepts: of antagonistic cosmopolitanism by Tamara Caraus and of antagonistic global constitutionalism by Christof Royer. On this basis I claim that Mouffe's rejection of cosmopolitanism is not thoroughly coherent with her own assumptions. I acknowledge her argumentation that cosmopolitan democracy might lead to pluralism without antagonism but at the same time I suggest that Mouffe's postulate of the multipolar order can lead to pluralist antagonism without agonism. It is only the establishment of cosmopolitan institutions and rules that will allow for really agonistic and radically pluralized global politics, thanks to which it will be possible to solve the contemporary world problems effectively. For these reasons agonistic cosmopolitanism can be regarded as the most optimal variant of global democracy.

Political but Non-party In recent years, involvement has become almost the main topic of literary life; this is due largely to the fact that, firstly, there has emerged a group of authors who manifest not only their political views, but also their obligations; secondly due to the fact that some critics appeal for a "political turnaround" in literature and thirdly, due to the popularization of the thought of several world philosophers, with Jacques Rancier at the helm, who try to extract the political out of the aesthetic, and fourthly, as a consequence of the reactivation of old languages – Marxist one on the left side and conservative-identity one on the right. The resistance which these tendencies have aroused in some milieus is associated with the conviction that the discovery of the political possibilities of literature and its interpretation leads (or will lead) to its literariness, utilitarization, subordination to the languages that dominate on the public scene. The author of the article shares the above fears; he is of the opinion that literature should rather be an instrument for undermining instruments, pragmatism and sociologism by means of a language that does not belong to the territory of defined discourse; whereas the most interesting aspect of its political nature consists in its ability to resist politics.

Suzerainty and independence of state and its territorial integrality and inviolability of borders are fundamental problems of extrenal seciurity policy in politics programme polish liberal parties. In relations to alliance with United States of America and Common European Security and Defence Policy are the main politcal problems this policy. Platforma Obywatelska presents the most rational standpoint. The present moment ofshows programm a sensible equilibrium between both ofinternational subjects. Unia Polityki Realnej univocally declares strict colaboration with United States ofAmerica. This party perceptions European Union as a threat for Poland. Instead political programm ofPartia Demokratyczna makes activiy of Poland to create Common European Security and EU Defence Policy. This policy is a safeguard to security ofWestern and Central Europe. In all programme ofthese two parties NATO IS PERCEPTIONED as very important element ofsafety, no only regional but global too. All parties detect necessity build matter ofPoland in alliance. For Platforma Obywatelska and Unia Polityki Realnej military implement is important an element of formation the external security. Both of parties perceive necessity to modernize of equipment and organic structure ofarmy. The most fudamental problem is formation ofprofesional army but with elemets ofcivil guard. For both ofparties the main target oftechnical modernization of army is attained level ofmodernity so that is could co֊operare with most best army on The World wihtout problemms. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

In some political and science circles (including Poland) there are articulated views on the crucial role of electoral systems in the process of political competition. Therefore they express the opinion about prevalence of certain electoral arrangements in terms of the implementation of certain political preferences. Often hopes for the reform of the political system are associated with the changes of the electoral systems. In the Great Britain (the United Kingdom) and other English-speaking countries citizens have formed community associations whose aim is the change from the majority to the proportional electoral system. In the effect we have more proportional election result and extension of real electoral bid to a larger number of political parties. On the other hand, in Poland, we have seen the opposite trend. Proponents of single-mandate constituencies depreciate the system of proportional representation. They express the belief in the positive effects of the majority system in the parliamentary elections. Radicals endorse the idea that only those electoral solutions are synonymous with electoral democracy and they are a way to reduce the pathologies of political life. In terms of these issues there have arisen many misconceptions and political myths. The main purpose of this article is to pay attention to trends in the areas of electoral reforms in the world. The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1) What electoral systems were popular in the world in individual periods from the 19th to the 21st centuries? 2) What tendencies appear in changes of electoral systems in the recent years? 3) What is the being of popularity phenomenon of mixed-member electoral systems? In the recent years the most popular electoral systems are: proportional representation with open lists and majority rules in single member-districts. ; W niektórych środowiskach politycznych (w tym w Polsce), a także naukowych artykułowane są poglądy o – decydującej w procesie rywalizacji politycznej – roli systemów wyborczych oraz w związku z tym wyrażane jest przekonanie o przewadze niektórych rozwiązań wyborczych w zakresie realizacji określonych preferencji politycznych. Często nadzieje w zakresie reformy systemu politycznego wiąże się ze zmianami systemów wyborczych. W Wielkiej Brytanii i innych krajach anglosaskich powstały stowarzyszenia społeczne, których celem jest zmiana systemu większościowego na proporcjonalny. Jego zwolennicy opowiadają się za proporcjonalnością wyniku wyborczego i rozszerzeniem realnej oferty wyborczej do większej liczby podmiotów partyjnych. Z kolei w Polsce można zauważyć odwrotną tendencję. Zwolennicy jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych, deprecjonując system proporcjonalnejreprezentacji, wyrażają przekonanie o pozytywnych efektach systemu większościowego w wyborach do Sejmu. W wariancie radykalnym lansowana jest teza, że tylko powyższe rozwiązania wyborcze stanowią synonim demokracji i są sposobem na ograniczenie patologii życia politycznego. Wokół tej problematyki narosło wiele nieporozumień i mitów politycznych. Celem przedstawionego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na tendencje w zakresie polityki reform wyborczych w świecie i odpowiedź na takie pytania badawcze jak: 1) Jakie systemy wyborcze były popularne w świecie w poszczególnych okresach od XIX do XXI wieku?; 2) Jakie są tendencje w zakresie zmian systemów wyborczych w ostatnich latach?; 3) Z czego wynika fenomen popularności mieszanych systemów wyborczych? W ostatnich latach najbardziej popularnymi rozwiązaniami wyborczymi są system proporcjonalny z listami otwartymi oraz system większościowy z jednomandatowymi okręgami wyborczymi.

The contradictions and conflicts were, are and will be widespread. There are in all human communities, even in the world of politics, economy and finance. A potential source of conflicts are contradictions. When a conflict of interest is disclosed, a conflict situation arises. In addition to the conflict that brings positive effects there are also destructive conflicts that contribute to the disorganization states, regional communities, institutions and firms. The contradictions of financial interests and destructive conflicts in the sphere of finance are at the heart of research undertaken in this article. The key research problem is therefore the answer to the question of how to minimize the negative consequences of destructive conflicts in the sphere of finance. The main objective is to develop a theoretical and methodological framework for the theory of conflicts in the financial sphere, and to formulate an original concept of good integrated governance, based mainly on assumptions of ordoliberalism. ; Sprzeczności i konflikty były, są i będą zjawiskiem powszechnym i wszechobecnym. Występują we wszystkich ludzkich wspólnotach, również w świecie polityki, gospodarki i finansów. Potencjalnym źródłem konfliktów są sprzeczności. Kiedy sprzeczność interesów zostaje ujawniona, powstaje sytuacja konfliktowa. Oprócz konfliktów interesów, które przynoszą skutki pozytywne, występują też konflikty destruktywne, które przyczyniają się do dezorganizacji państw, społeczności regionalnych, instytucji i przedsiębiorstw. Sprzeczności interesów finansowych i konflikty destruktywne w sferze finansów znajdują się w centrum rozważań w niniejszym artykule. Kluczowym problemem badawczym jest odpowiedź na pytanie o sposoby minimalizowania negatywnych konsekwencji konfliktów destruktywnych w sferze finansów. Celem głównym jest opracowanie podstaw/ram teoretyczno-metodycznych do teorii konfliktów w sferze finansów wraz ze sformułowaniem oryginalnej koncepcji good integrated governance, opartej głównie na założeniach ordoliberalizmu.

This dissertation tries to prove that the so-called philosopher on the throne can be a better ruler not only than dictators but also than contemporary liberal democratic politician. Since the sixth century BC, when the human undertook a systematic and critical contemplation upon surrounding reality, she/he has begun to dream about political rulers to be guided in their doings by the imperative of reason. In principal, the higher level of spiritual culture characterized the rulers, the more likely their subjects were to live to a great age in relative peace. That is why for centuries it has been dreamed of a political system that is something like a kind of a sophocracy. The most complete picture of such a sovereign, which fulfilled dreams about a sage in the crown, was outlined by Plato in his State. In his point of view, as long as the lovers of wisdom will not have royal power in the states, or the rulers will not begin to love wisdom honestly, there is no help for states and for the human race. Nevertheless, over the centuries, authority was enforced mainly by physical strenght and not by reason. It was not until the twentieth century that democracy brought freedom and equality of rights, thanks to which political power became more rational. Unfortunately, also contemporary liberal democracy is not free from fundamental contradictions that can bring about its collapse. The main contradiction is the increasingly smaller influence of citizens – who in the theory of democracy are the only legal sovereign – on political decision-making. This is accompanied by the enhancing influence of entities with no democratic legitimacy, e.g. global corporations that do not care about the common (public) good, but only about their own. These entities use the growing intellectual and ethical weakness of democratic politicians whose purpose is their own particular interest and not the happiness (good) of their citizens. This may indicate a slow system disintegration. For this reason liberal democracy needs politicians who are wise enough to realize this threat. Of all the people in the history of the world who led political communities, to the Platonic ideal in the highest degree (among others, like T. G. Masaryk and Á. Göncz) got closer the man who, paradoxically, never wanted to be a ruler. Václav Havel's thought is a critique of both Soviet post-totalitarianism and Western democracy. In his opinion both systems, though to a different degree, alienate a human trying to reduce her/him to the role of a machine's cog. Havel proposes that each citizen take individual and global responsibility for herself/himself and the whole world, because only in this way she/he can consciously exert real influence over political decisions. What is more, this is the only way to build a politics that aims – if possible – the happiness of every person. Havel realizes that in today's world this attitude is extremely impractical and very difficult to apply in everyday life. Nevertheless, he knows no better possibility.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.

The aim of this article is to study the place of Ukraine within the most important ideas of the Polish Eastern Policy (PEP). In order to systematize the following presentation we must begin with strategies created in the times of the People's Republic of Poland and conclude by depicting the latest conceptions, introduced within the external policy of the European Union. The first who used this term was Juliusz Mieroszewski. In 1972 in the article entitled "Polish Ostpolitik", he presented a set of his opinions about the policy against the Soviet Empire. Since then, the territorial range of the notion has evolved (nowadays it concerns relations between Poland and Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia) but its characteristics remain quite the same. Among them we can mention: treating the eastern neighborhood of the RP like a multifaceted area, which needs a different approach; traditional accusations of its anti-Russian attitude and making the Ukraine the most important part of each single idea and action taken within the PEP. The last feature of Polish Eastern Policy is a constant struggle between the followers of the "promethean idea" of Józef Piłsudski and the supporters of the "realistic concept" of Roman Dmowski. The article presents fundamental assumptions of the conception of Mieroszewski and Giedroyć, who believed that only rank-and-file initiatives were able to destroy the communistic system, so the nations which depended on Moscow should unite their strives against the "older brother". Mieroszewski encouraged the Poles to struggle with the system but not with the Russian society. From his point of view, the key to peaceful relations in our region was the reconciliation and the abandonment of territorial requests among neighbours. On the opposite, realists claimed that there was no need to waste time on rearranging the proper relations between the Poles and the small east-european nations because only Moscow counted in world politics. Another notion connected with neo-realist idea is the concept of making the economic issues the priority of the foreign policy and making the Polish-Ukrainian relation base on a rational calculation of profits. Another concept of the Polish Eastern Policy is the idea of a strategic partnership between Warsaw and Kiev. Its essential presumptions - the Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation and cooperation as the key to our safety and welfare - derive from "The Culture" conception. As the supplement to the above-mentioned concept, politicians of III RP have introduced the idea of creation the Eastern Dimension of the EU's external policy. The followers of this concept believe that by supporting euroatlantic aspiration of Ukraine, Moldova and the Caucasian states Warsaw would gain not only a guarantee of peace in the region but also an improvement of its image and status inside the Community. ; Artykuł ma na celu zbadanie miejsca Ukrainy w ramach najważniejszych koncepcji polskiej polityki wschodniej. Aby usystematyzować ich prezentację, rozpocząć należy od strategii powstałych jeszcze w epoce Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej, a mających wymierny wpływ na sytuację w III RP, a zakończyć na koncepcjach najnowszych, stworzonych już w ramach polityki zewnętrznej Unii Europejskiej. Pierwszym, który użył terminu "polska polityka wschodnia" był Juliusz Mieroszewski. W 1972 roku w artykule zatytułowanym "Polska Ostpolitik" przedstawił on zestaw swoich opinii na temat polityki wobec sowieckiego imperium. Od tego czasu, zasięg terytorialny pojęcia ewoluował (obecnie dotyczy ono stosunków między Polską a Ukrainą, Białorusią, Rosją, Mołdawią, Gruzją, Azerbejdżanem i Armenią), niemniej jego cechy charakterystyczne pozostały co do zasady niezmienne. Wśród nich można wymienić: traktowanie wschodniego sąsiedztwa RP jako zróżnicowanego obszaru, który wymaga różnorodnego podejścia, oskarżenia o antyrosyjski wydźwięk PPW oraz czynienie Ukrainy najważniejszą częścią praktycznie każdej idei czy działań podjętych w jej ramach. Ostatnią cechą polskiej polityki wschodniej jest ciągła walka między zwolennikami "idei prometejskiej" Józefa Piłsudskiego i zwolenników "koncepcji realistycznej" Romana Dmowskiego. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia koncepcji Mieroszewskiego i Giedroycia, którzy uważali, że tylko oddolne inicjatywy są w stanie zniszczyć system komunistyczny, więc narody będące zależne od Moskwy powinny zjednoczyć swoje starania przeciwko "starszemu bratu". Mieroszewski zachęcał Polaków do walki z systemem, ale nie z rosyjskim społeczeństwem. Z jego punktu widzenia, kluczem do pokojowych stosunków w naszym regionie było pojednanie i rezygnacja z żądań terytorialnych. W przeciwieństwie do niego, realiści twierdzili, że nie powinno się tracić czasu na ustanawianie właściwych stosunków między Polakami a małymi narodami Europy Wschodniej, ponieważ tylko Moskwa liczy w polityce światowej. Innym pojęciem związanym z myśleniem neorealistycznym jest koncepcja ekonomizacji polityki zagranicznej i uczynienia podstawą relacji polsko-ukraińskich czystej kalkulacji zysków i strat. Rozwinięciem linii myślenia paryskiej "Kultury" jest koncepcja partnerstwa strategicznego między Warszawą a Kijowem. Jej zasadniczym założeniem jest polsko-ukraińskie pojednanie i współpraca, jako klucz do bezpieczeństwa i dobrobytu obu państw. Jej uzupełnieniem jest z kolei idea stworzenia wschodniego wymiaru polityki zewnętrznej UE. Zwolennicy tej koncepcji uważają, że poprzez wspieranie euroatlantyckich aspiracji Ukrainy, Mołdawii i państw kaukaskich Warszawa zyska nie tylko gwarancję pokoju w regionie, ale także poprawę wizerunku i statusu wewnątrz Unii Europejskiej.

Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny wydawało się, że świat na trwałe wchodzi w okres stabilizacji, pokoju i współpracy. Szybko jednak okazało się, że świat narastającej globalizacji ma różne oblicza, także negatywne, co rzutuje na każdą sferę życia, także na bezpieczeństwo. Spadło co prawda zagrożenie wojną nuklearną, ale pojawiły się nowe zagrożenia oraz nasiliły te, które przedtem były przesłonięte rywalizacją Wschód - Zachód. Chodzi głównie o konflikty etniczno-religijne, kulturowe i cywilizacyjne, w tym rozlewające się konflikty wewnętrzne w państwach słabych i upadłych, proliferacja broni masowego rażenia, niebezpieczne ambicje państw dyktatorskich i autorytarnych. Ogromny wpływ na bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe miały zamachy 11 września 2001. Zmieniły one percepcję zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa, a ogłoszona przez prezydenta Busha wojna z terroryzmem doprowadziła USA i prawie cały Zachód do zaangażowania w dwie wojny: w Iraku i Afganistanie. Sytuacja w Afganistanie i odpowiedzialność NATO za bezpieczeństwo tego kraju nadal budzi ogromne zaniepokojenie przywódców państw zachodnich, rzutuje na stan bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Dotyczy to szczególnie regionu Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu, gdzie coraz większą rolę odgrywa rywalizacja między Indiami, Pakistanem i Iranem. Rosnący niepokój budzą ambicje nuklearne Iranu, a także otwarte wyzwania, jakie kraj ten rzuca społeczności międzynarodowej, podobnie jak w innej części świata polityka Korei Północnej. Coraz większe ambicje w polityce międzynarodowej mają Chiny i dążąca do odzyskania mocarstwowej pozycji Rosja. Jednocześnie wbrew programom i zapowiedziom proces osiągania przez Unię Europejską pozycji gracza globalnego nie materializuje się. Postępuje proces odwrotny: komplikuje się sytuacja finansowa w strefie euro, a kryzys ten oddziałuje na całą Unię. Postrzegana jako oaza gospodarczej stabilizacji UE stała się w ostatnich latach źródłem dodatkowych perturbacji w gospodarce światowej. Zachodzące w niej procesy, takie jak gwałtowne wzrosty cen surowców, rozchwianie rynków finansowych, pogłębiające się dysproporcje między bogatymi i biednymi, rosnące obszary głodu, daleko idąca deregulacja i kryzysogenne praktyki inżynierii finansowej, problem światowego zadłużenia, stają się czynnikiem globalnej destabilizacji i zagrożeń także dla bezpieczeństwa. ; Twenty years after the end of the Cold War the world still undergoes the process of deep changes. The collapse of communism and disintegration of the Soviet Union put an end to a bipolar system and the new era begun in international politics. Many state controlled economies, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, became democratic and market oriented countries. Through over one decade the United States was recognized as a unique superpower. Rapidly spreading globalization has made countries strictly interdependent, especially in economy, but also mutual dependence in the field of security has substantially increased. It happened so because of new threats for security, like international terrorism, WMD proliferation, growing number of ethnic-cultural conflicts. There is no threat in the world of global nuclear war or big state to state aggression on a large scale, but new threats, especially terrorism and cyber-attacks , are becoming very probable. In the contemporary world, with all economic freedom, especially international production factors movement, there are good as well as weak points which make international economy and the economy of different countries very vulnerable to crises, as we could see in 2008-2009 period. It is so because of uncontrolled activity of so called non-state actors, as for instance international financial corporations. Also European integration, especially in the Euro-zone, because of the world financial crisis impact, rising public debt and imperfect euro-mechanisms, is in trouble. Under such conditions, economic security is becoming so crucial that together with many other aspects of security [terrorism, cyber-attacks, impact of climate changes] it forms a new picture of the world security - a new paradigm. The article addresses the major international and regional security problems, the position of the USA in more and more multi-polar system, rising ambitions and roles of China and Russia. The approach of the author to the presented problems is interdisciplinary. ; После окончания холодной войны казалось, что мир на долго входит в период стабилизации и сотрудничества. Однако вскоре оказалось, что мир растущей глобализации имеет разные стороны, в том числе также отрицательные, что отражается в каждой сфере жизни, в том числе и на безопасности. Хотя и уменьшилась угроза ядерной войны, однако появились новые угрозы и усилились те, которые раньше, в связи с противостоянием Восток - Запад, находились на втором плане. Прежде всего здесь идёт речь о этническо-религиозных, культурных и цивилизационных конфликтах, в том числе и разрастающихся внутренних конфликтах в слаборазвитых государствах, распространении оружия массового уничтожения, опасных амбициях диктаторских и авторитарных государств. Огромное влияние на международную безопасность оказали события 11 сентября 2001 г. Эти террористические акты изменили восприятие угроз безопасности, а провозглашенная президентом Бушем война с терроризмом вынудила США и почти весь Запад к ведению двух войн: в Ираке и Афганистане. Ситуация в Афганистане и ответственность НАТО за безопасность этой страны, по-прежнему вызывает огромное беспокойство лидеров западных государств, отражается на состоянии международной безопасности. Прежде всего это касается района Ближнего и Среднего Востока, в котором большую роль играет также соперничество между Индией, Пакистаном и Ираном. Растущее беспокойство вызывают ядерные планы Ирана, а также открытый вызов, который эта страна бросает международному сообществу. Такую же политику в другой части света проводит Северная Корея. Большие амбиции в международной политике имеет также Китай и стремящаяся восстановить позиции сверхдержавы Россия. На ряду с этим, вопреки принятым программам и заявлениям политиков, процесс становления Европейского Союза в роли мирового игрока остается только проектом. Более того, в связи с усложняющейся экономической ситуацией в еврозоне, в Евросоюзе сегодня имеют место противоположные процессы. ЕС, который рассматривался как экономической оазис хозяйственной стабилизации, в последние годы стал источником дополнительных проблем в мировой экономике. Происходящие в мировой экономике процессы, напр. быстрый рост цен на сырье, нестабильность финансовых рынков, углубляющиеся диспропорции между богатыми и бедными, проблемы голода, далеко идущая дерегуляция и кризисные практики финансовой инженерии, проблема мировой задолженности, становятся фактором мировой дестабилизации и несут угрозы безопасности.

Polityka zagraniczna UE w dziedzinie kultury jest stosunkowo nowym i mało zbadanym obszarem działalności UE. Jej funkcjonowanie określił traktat z Lizbony, nakładając nań kompetencje programująco-inicjatywne oraz reprezentacyjne Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa (WP), ESDZ oraz delegatur UE. Dyplomację kulturalną UE prowadzą również – na zasadzie partnerstwa z Unią – instytuty kultury państw członkowskich, zarejestrowane w Stowarzyszeniu Narodowych Instytutów Kultury Unii Europejskiej (EUNIC) oraz ich klastry regionalne. Artykuł ma za zadanie prześledzić w trybie analiz ewolucji priorytetów zawartych w relacjach zewnętrznych UE w dziedzinie kultury (a także analiz instytucjonalnych) oraz zweryfikować, czy instrumenty polityczne zastosowane wobec soft power UE są wystarczające dla efektywnego kształtowania wizerunku kulturowego Europy w świecie. Tezą niniejszego artykułu jest twierdzenie, że relacje zewnętrzne UE w sektorze kultury odznaczają się słabą polityką, dlatego nie mają szans osiągnąć fazy dojrzałości, tym samym tworzyć trwałych podstaw do cywilizacyjnego oddziaływania kultury europejskiej, rozumianej w sposób integracyjny, czyli jako realizacja paradygmatu "jedności w różnorodności". ; The EU's foreign policy in the field of culture is a relatively new and under-explored area of the EU activity. Its operation was defined by the Treaty of Lisbon, imposing on it programming and initiative and representation powers of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security (HR), the EEAS and EU Delegations. The EU cultural diplomacy is also conducted – on a partnership basis with the European Union – by the institutes of culture of the member states registered in the Association of National Institutes of European Union (EUNIC) and their regional Clusters. The article aims to follow in the evolution analysis mode the priorities contained in the EU's external relations in the field of culture (as well as institutional analysis) and verify whether the political instruments applied to the EU 'soft power' are sufficient to effectively shape Europe's cultural image in the world. The thesis of this article is that EU external relations in the cultural sector are characterized by poor politics, and therefore have no chance of reaching the maturity phase, thus creating a solid basis for the civilizational impact of European culture, understood in an integrative way, i.e. as the implementation of the "unity in diversity" paradigm.

Polityka zagraniczna UE w dziedzinie kultury jest stosunkowo nowym i mało zbadanym obszarem działalności UE. Jej funkcjonowanie określił traktat z Lizbony, nakładając nań kompetencje programująco-inicjatywne oraz reprezentacyjne Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do spraw zagranicznych i bezpieczeństwa (WP), ESDZ oraz delegatur UE. Dyplomację kulturalną UE prowadzą również – na zasadzie partnerstwa z Unią – instytuty kultury państw członkowskich, zarejestrowane w Stowarzyszeniu Narodowych Instytutów Kultury Unii Europejskiej (EUNIC) oraz ich klastry regionalne. Artykuł ma za zadanie prześledzić w trybie analiz ewolucji priorytetów zawartych w relacjach zewnętrznych UE w dziedzinie kultury (a także analiz instytucjonalnych) oraz zweryfikować, czy instrumenty polityczne zastosowane wobec soft power UE są wystarczające dla efektywnego kształtowania wizerunku kulturowego Europy w świecie. Tezą niniejszego artykułu jest twierdzenie, że relacje zewnętrzne UE w sektorze kultury odznaczają się słabą polityką, dlatego nie mają szans osiągnąć fazy dojrzałości, tym samym tworzyć trwałych podstaw do cywilizacyjnego oddziaływania kultury europejskiej, rozumianej w sposób integracyjny, czyli jako realizacja paradygmatu "jedności w różnorodności". ; The EU's foreign policy in the field of culture is a relatively new and under-explored area of the EU activity. Its operation was defined by the Treaty of Lisbon, imposing on it programming and initiative and representation powers of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security (HR), the EEAS and EU Delegations. The EU cultural diplomacy is also conducted – on a partnership basis with the European Union – by the institutes of culture of the member states registered in the Association of National Institutes of European Union (EUNIC) and their regional Clusters. The article aims to follow in the evolution analysis mode the priorities contained in the EU's external relations in the field of culture (as well as institutional analysis) and verify whether the political instruments applied to the EU 'soft power' are sufficient to effectively shape Europe's cultural image in the world. The thesis of this article is that EU external relations in the cultural sector are characterized by poor politics, and therefore have no chance of reaching the maturity phase, thus creating a solid basis for the civilizational impact of European culture, understood in an integrative way, i.e. as the implementation of the "unity in diversity" paradigm.

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016