Suchergebnisse

Cet article analyse l'effet des valeurs sur la morality politics européenne à travers la question de l'avortement. Face à la politisation d'une compétence souveraine au sein de l'UE, la théorie américaine des guerres culturelles permet d'étudier l'instrumentalisation des valeurs par des groupes confessionnels. L'approche méthodologique qualitative repose sur des entretiens semi-directifs et analyses de documents. Les résultats confirment que les valeurs aident les acteurs à (ré) affirmer une identité particulière. Les controverses européennes sur la signification de notions a priori séculières transforment alors les valeurs en finalité en tant que telle. Ceci pourrait alors avoir un impact sur la politique européenne traditionnelle.

From 1810 to 1923 abortion in France is classified a crime, tried in the Assize Court. The March 27th 1923 law, requalifies abortion as a misdemeanor, tried in the Tribunal Correctionnel. This is known as "correctionnalisation". An examination of the motives for this reveal how a conservative lobby builds a rhetoric of a "depopulation crisis» during the interwar period, manipulating it to enact laws governing female fertility. This law is part of a legal arsenal, including the laws of 1920 and 1939, established to maintain women in their traditional roles as housewives and mothers. Only the preservation of the patriarchal family is the solution to the "demographic debacle" that is worsening since the Great War. Historians view these abortion laws as a sign of the power of the anti-feminists of this time. Nevertheless, their politics fail to increase the birth rate before the end of the Third Republic. How can we explain this failure? What does it teach us about inter war women's history in France? An analysis of the anti-abortion rhetoric of these familialist-natalist activists, contrasted with stories of actual abortion experiences gathered in the records for abortion trials provides helps to answers to these questions. The rupture between familialist-natalist rhetoric and the reality of abortion, partly explains the failure of their repressive policies. Research in court records shows that judicial authorities do not perceive abortion as a problem of declining population. Instead, they use abortion investigations trials to punish women under the law but also to methodically humiliate them in public in order to destroy their reputations. These judges, who share the dominant view of the female social role, use these trials as a tool for social control of women. It is mostly women of the lower classes who pay the highest price for their choice of abortion. ; De 1810 à 1923 l'avortement en France est un comme un crime jugé en Cours d'Assises. La loi de 27 mars 1923 re classifie l'avortement en délit jugé par le ...

From 1810 to 1923 abortion in France is classified a crime, tried in the Assize Court. The March 27th 1923 law, requalifies abortion as a misdemeanor, tried in the Tribunal Correctionnel. This is known as "correctionnalisation". An examination of the motives for this reveal how a conservative lobby builds a rhetoric of a "depopulation crisis» during the interwar period, manipulating it to enact laws governing female fertility. This law is part of a legal arsenal, including the laws of 1920 and 1939, established to maintain women in their traditional roles as housewives and mothers. Only the preservation of the patriarchal family is the solution to the "demographic debacle" that is worsening since the Great War. Historians view these abortion laws as a sign of the power of the anti-feminists of this time. Nevertheless, their politics fail to increase the birth rate before the end of the Third Republic. How can we explain this failure? What does it teach us about inter war women's history in France? An analysis of the anti-abortion rhetoric of these familialist-natalist activists, contrasted with stories of actual abortion experiences gathered in the records for abortion trials provides helps to answers to these questions. The rupture between familialist-natalist rhetoric and the reality of abortion, partly explains the failure of their repressive policies. Research in court records shows that judicial authorities do not perceive abortion as a problem of declining population. Instead, they use abortion investigations trials to punish women under the law but also to methodically humiliate them in public in order to destroy their reputations. These judges, who share the dominant view of the female social role, use these trials as a tool for social control of women. It is mostly women of the lower classes who pay the highest price for their choice of abortion. ; De 1810 à 1923 l'avortement en France est un comme un crime jugé en Cours d'Assises. La loi de 27 mars 1923 re classifie l'avortement en délit jugé par le ...

From 1810 to 1923 abortion in France is classified a crime, tried in the Assize Court. The March 27th 1923 law, requalifies abortion as a misdemeanor, tried in the Tribunal Correctionnel. This is known as "correctionnalisation". An examination of the motives for this reveal how a conservative lobby builds a rhetoric of a "depopulation crisis» during the interwar period, manipulating it to enact laws governing female fertility. This law is part of a legal arsenal, including the laws of 1920 and 1939, established to maintain women in their traditional roles as housewives and mothers. Only the preservation of the patriarchal family is the solution to the "demographic debacle" that is worsening since the Great War. Historians view these abortion laws as a sign of the power of the anti-feminists of this time. Nevertheless, their politics fail to increase the birth rate before the end of the Third Republic. How can we explain this failure? What does it teach us about inter war women's history in France? An analysis of the anti-abortion rhetoric of these familialist-natalist activists, contrasted with stories of actual abortion experiences gathered in the records for abortion trials provides helps to answers to these questions. The rupture between familialist-natalist rhetoric and the reality of abortion, partly explains the failure of their repressive policies. Research in court records shows that judicial authorities do not perceive abortion as a problem of declining population. Instead, they use abortion investigations trials to punish women under the law but also to methodically humiliate them in public in order to destroy their reputations. These judges, who share the dominant view of the female social role, use these trials as a tool for social control of women. It is mostly women of the lower classes who pay the highest price for their choice of abortion. ; De 1810 à 1923 l'avortement en France est un comme un crime jugé en Cours d'Assises. La loi de 27 mars 1923 re classifie l'avortement en délit jugé par le ...

International audience ; In France, CPEFs are local, public units where birth control and abortion are freely offered to women in need. Based upon an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two units located within the Paris suburbs, this article examines how institutions transform in practice women's bodies and psyches, as it promotes new ways of perceiving selves, bodies, and sexualities. Birth planning and abortion support, which are feminist projects (discursively and practically speaking), increase female agency and reinforce women's control over themselves, their bodies, and their reproductive capacities. These actions are highly political, as they promote a process of self-reform through care and support. However, this work upon self and others relies on a normative definition of female identity, which does not only emancipate: It also produces new discriminatory dynamics and enforces racial hierarchies, which – in the French context – raise question of nationalism and citizenship, and about the way these stakes currently frame reproductory and sexual issues. ; En France, les Centres de Planification et d'Education Familiale proposent des consultations médicales et un accompagnement à la contraception et à l'IVG. A partir d'une enquête ethnographique réalisée dans deux unités de la région parisienne, cet article montre comment des institutions agissent, en pratique, sur le corps et la psyché des femmes. La prise en charge encourage le déploiement d'une nouvelle manière d'appréhender son potentiel reproducteur. Cette action – féministe dans son principe et son exercice – renforce les capacités des usagères et le contrôle qu'elles exercent sur leur corps et leur sexualité ; mais elle est aussi un projet politique qui, par le soin et le soutien, participe d'un processus de réforme de soi. Or ce travail, adossé à une définition normative de l'identité féminine, ne fait pas qu'émanciper. Il produit aussi de nouvelles logiques discriminatoires et renforce des hiérarchies raciales qui interrogent, dans le contexte français, les enjeux nationalistes et citoyens qui façonnent les questions reproductives et sexuelles.

International audience ; In France, CPEFs are local, public units where birth control and abortion are freely offered to women in need. Based upon an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two units located within the Paris suburbs, this article examines how institutions transform in practice women's bodies and psyches, as it promotes new ways of perceiving selves, bodies, and sexualities. Birth planning and abortion support, which are feminist projects (discursively and practically speaking), increase female agency and reinforce women's control over themselves, their bodies, and their reproductive capacities. These actions are highly political, as they promote a process of self-reform through care and support. However, this work upon self and others relies on a normative definition of female identity, which does not only emancipate: It also produces new discriminatory dynamics and enforces racial hierarchies, which – in the French context – raise question of nationalism and citizenship, and about the way these stakes currently frame reproductory and sexual issues. ; En France, les Centres de Planification et d'Education Familiale proposent des consultations médicales et un accompagnement à la contraception et à l'IVG. A partir d'une enquête ethnographique réalisée dans deux unités de la région parisienne, cet article montre comment des institutions agissent, en pratique, sur le corps et la psyché des femmes. La prise en charge encourage le déploiement d'une nouvelle manière d'appréhender son potentiel reproducteur. Cette action – féministe dans son principe et son exercice – renforce les capacités des usagères et le contrôle qu'elles exercent sur leur corps et leur sexualité ; mais elle est aussi un projet politique qui, par le soin et le soutien, participe d'un processus de réforme de soi. Or ce travail, adossé à une définition normative de l'identité féminine, ne fait pas qu'émanciper. Il produit aussi de nouvelles logiques discriminatoires et renforce des hiérarchies raciales qui interrogent, dans le contexte ...

International audience ; In France, CPEFs are local, public units where birth control and abortion are freely offered to women in need. Based upon an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two units located within the Paris suburbs, this article examines how institutions transform in practice women's bodies and psyches, as it promotes new ways of perceiving selves, bodies, and sexualities. Birth planning and abortion support, which are feminist projects (discursively and practically speaking), increase female agency and reinforce women's control over themselves, their bodies, and their reproductive capacities. These actions are highly political, as they promote a process of self-reform through care and support. However, this work upon self and others relies on a normative definition of female identity, which does not only emancipate: It also produces new discriminatory dynamics and enforces racial hierarchies, which – in the French context – raise question of nationalism and citizenship, and about the way these stakes currently frame reproductory and sexual issues. ; En France, les Centres de Planification et d'Education Familiale proposent des consultations médicales et un accompagnement à la contraception et à l'IVG. A partir d'une enquête ethnographique réalisée dans deux unités de la région parisienne, cet article montre comment des institutions agissent, en pratique, sur le corps et la psyché des femmes. La prise en charge encourage le déploiement d'une nouvelle manière d'appréhender son potentiel reproducteur. Cette action – féministe dans son principe et son exercice – renforce les capacités des usagères et le contrôle qu'elles exercent sur leur corps et leur sexualité ; mais elle est aussi un projet politique qui, par le soin et le soutien, participe d'un processus de réforme de soi. Or ce travail, adossé à une définition normative de l'identité féminine, ne fait pas qu'émanciper. Il produit aussi de nouvelles logiques discriminatoires et renforce des hiérarchies raciales qui interrogent, dans le contexte français, les enjeux nationalistes et citoyens qui façonnent les questions reproductives et sexuelles.

L'intensification des débats définis en termes de valeurs au sein de l'Union européenne ainsi que la montée en puissance des flux transatlantiques (c'est-à-dire des phénomènes de mimétisme et d'échange d'idées et de pratiques) amènent à considérer la morality politics de l'UE au regard du scénario américain des guerres culturelles. En particulier, la question de la mobilisation de la société civile européenne autour de l'avortement permet de tester les deux facettes du cadre théorique des culture wars :soit il existe une polarisation avérée et irréductible entre deux camps formés et fermés d'acteurs, soit il ne s'agit que d'un répertoire d'actions et d'un style politique particuliers visant à la dramatisation d'une cause en vue d'obtenir une reconnaissance politique et médiatique. Dans tous les cas, il s'agit d'étudier comment une morality issue ponctuelle devient le symbole d'un enjeu plus large :celui de la définition des valeurs, de l'identité et de la culture publiques. ; The intensification of the debates defined in terms of values inside the European Union as well as the growing relevance of the transatlantic flows (i.e. phenomena of mimesis and exchange of ideas and practices) are justifying the study of EU morality politics through the prism of the American scenario of culture wars. The mobilization of the European civil society around the abortion issue in particular enables us to test both facets of the theoretical framework of culture wars, i.e. either there is a patent and implacable polarization between two defined and closed groups of actors, or it only corresponds to a particular political communication style aiming at dramatizing an issue in order to get political and media attention. In both cases, the objective is to analyze how a punctual morality issue becomes the symbol of a broader stake: the definition of the public values, identity, and culture. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

International audience In France, CPEFs are local, public units where birth control and abortion are freely offered to women in need. Based upon an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two units located within the Paris suburbs, this article examines how institutions transform in practice women's bodies and psyches, as it promotes new ways of perceiving selves, bodies, and sexualities. Birth planning and abortion support, which are feminist projects (discursively and practically speaking), increase female agency and reinforce women's control over themselves, their bodies, and their reproductive capacities. These actions are highly political, as they promote a process of self-reform through care and support. However, this work upon self and others relies on a normative definition of female identity, which does not only emancipate: It also produces new discriminatory dynamics and enforces racial hierarchies, which – in the French context – raise question of nationalism and citizenship, and about the way these stakes currently frame reproductory and sexual issues. ; En France, les Centres de Planification et d'Education Familiale proposent des consultations médicales et un accompagnement à la contraception et à l'IVG. A partir d'une enquête ethnographique réalisée dans deux unités de la région parisienne, cet article montre comment des institutions agissent, en pratique, sur le corps et la psyché des femmes. La prise en charge encourage le déploiement d'une nouvelle manière d'appréhender son potentiel reproducteur. Cette action – féministe dans son principe et son exercice – renforce les capacités des usagères et le contrôle qu'elles exercent sur leur corps et leur sexualité ; mais elle est aussi un projet politique qui, par le soin et le soutien, participe d'un processus de réforme de soi. Or ce travail, adossé à une définition normative de l'identité féminine, ne fait pas qu'émanciper. Il produit aussi de nouvelles logiques discriminatoires et renforce des hiérarchies raciales qui interrogent, dans le contexte ...

International audience ; The controversy surrounding the right to die illustrates the impossibility for political liberalism to put aside the moral and religious convictions of individuals. This is contrary to the issue of abortion, where the political values of tolerance and the equal rights of women as citizens constitute a sufficient base to conclude that women are free to chose for themselves if they wish to have an abortion or not. The claims in favor of the right to die in dignity concern a category of the population: patients at the end of life. Does the majority always win over the minority? Confronted with social emergency, political solutions put in place in favor or against the recognition of the right to die have fostered numerous political spectra, such as liberal or communitary theories. ; La controverse autour du droit de mourir illustre l'impossibilité pour le libéralisme politique de mettre entre parenthèses les convictions morales et religieuses des individus. Contrairement à l'affaire de l'avortement, où les valeurs politiques de la tolérance et du droit à la citoyenneté égal pour les femmes constituaient une base suffisante, pour conclure que les femmes sont libres de choisir pour elles-mêmes si elles veulent ou non avorter.Les revendications en faveur du droit de mourir dans la dignité concernent une catégorie de la population : les patients en fin de vie. La majorité doit-elle toujours l'emporter sur la minorité ?Face à l'urgence sociale, les solutions politiques mises en place en faveur ou non de la reconnaissance du droit de mourir se nourrissent de plusieurs courants politiques, telles les théories libérale ou communautaire.

International audience ; The controversy surrounding the right to die illustrates the impossibility for political liberalism to put aside the moral and religious convictions of individuals. This is contrary to the issue of abortion, where the political values of tolerance and the equal rights of women as citizens constitute a sufficient base to conclude that women are free to chose for themselves if they wish to have an abortion or not. The claims in favor of the right to die in dignity concern a category of the population: patients at the end of life. Does the majority always win over the minority? Confronted with social emergency, political solutions put in place in favor or against the recognition of the right to die have fostered numerous political spectra, such as liberal or communitary theories. ; La controverse autour du droit de mourir illustre l'impossibilité pour le libéralisme politique de mettre entre parenthèses les convictions morales et religieuses des individus. Contrairement à l'affaire de l'avortement, où les valeurs politiques de la tolérance et du droit à la citoyenneté égal pour les femmes constituaient une base suffisante, pour conclure que les femmes sont libres de choisir pour elles-mêmes si elles veulent ou non avorter.Les revendications en faveur du droit de mourir dans la dignité concernent une catégorie de la population : les patients en fin de vie. La majorité doit-elle toujours l'emporter sur la minorité ?Face à l'urgence sociale, les solutions politiques mises en place en faveur ou non de la reconnaissance du droit de mourir se nourrissent de plusieurs courants politiques, telles les théories libérale ou communautaire.