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Abortion Politics: Public Policy in Cross Cultural Perspective focuses on current abortion policy and practice in the United States, Canada, Europe and Japan and aims to provide a comprehensive, stimulating and balanced picture of current abortion policy in a cross-cultural perspective. The contributors deal with comparative abortion policy including recent developments in Ireland, Germany and Eastern Europe.

Gonzenbach and Mitrook review 'Abortion Politics in the United States and Canada' edited by Ted G. Jelen and Marthe A. Chandler.

While the questions of how parties seek to address (or not) pressing issues are critically important, scholars have generally paid little attention to where issues are addressed within the political system, and the consequences for party competition of that choice. The fact that issues can be addressed within several institutional (i.e. functional) domains and levels – general elections, parliament, referenda, courts, local government, etc. – implies that political parties may address an issue, and thereby interact with one another, in consequentially different ways depending on the institutional arena or level of government wherein they seek resolution. This article describes how Ireland's parties addressed the electorally volatile issue of abortion via referendum campaigns. The article draws upon multiple sources of evidence to support its findings, including original data based on results from the author's two parliamentary surveys following the 2007 and 2011 election campaigns.

Some of the politics surrounding abortion policy -- The strategic foundations for incrementalism in legislatures -- The nature of Congress and incrementalism in abortion politics : views from the inside and views from the outside -- A short legislative history of abortion -- Sponsors of abortion policies -- Playing the field : committee referrals of abortion-related proposals.

Proposes a symbolic politics explanation to investigate attitude structures in activists and nonactivists. For activists primarily, abortion is a condensation symbol for changes in women's roles, the family, and acceptable sexual behaviors. Pro-life and pro-choice perspectives are not opposites along a single dimension; instead, there are differences in kind. A third group does not have symbolic attachments and views the issue as highly complex. (Abstract amended)

A symbolic politics explanation is proposed for the emotional & acrimonious nature of abortion politics. The analysis is based on a Q sort that investigated attitude structures in activists & nonactivists (total N = 27). For activists primarily, abortion is a condensation symbolic for changes in women's roles, the family, & acceptable sexual behaviors. Pro-life & pro-choice perspectives are not opposites along a single dimension; instead, there are differences in kind. A third group does not have symbolic attachments & views the issue as highly complex. These findings explain the polarization of the debate & the exceptional reactivity of previous measures. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Modified HA

Weaving together analyses of archival material, news coverage, and interviews conducted with journalists from mainstream and partisan outlets as well as with activists across the political spectrum, Deana A. Rohlinger re-imagines how activists use a variety of mediums, sometimes simultaneously, to agitate for - and against - legal abortion. Rohlinger's in-depth portraits of four groups - the National Right to Life Committee, Planned Parenthood, the National Organization for Women, and Concerned Women for America - illuminates when groups use media and why they might choose to avoid media attention altogether. Rohlinger expertly reveals why some activist groups are more desperate than others to attract media attention and sheds light on what this means for policy making and legal abortion in the twenty-first century

AbstractFollowing recent insight into how citizens respond to attempts to correct political and salient misperceptions (Nyhan and Riefler, 2010, Political Behavior 32 (2): 303–330), we also expect that certain characteristics will predispose citizens to react strongly to messaging on highly contentious issues. Specifically, we expect that respondents will express an opinion that is even stronger in line with their predispositions when exposed to frames that challenge their position. Using an experiment on abortion opinion embedded in the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), we find little indication that Pro-Abortion Access and Anti-Abortion Access frames move opinion on abortion in the aggregate, but there is evidence that specific characteristics correlate with a "backfire" effect identified by Nyhan and Riefler (2010, Political Behavior 32 (2): 303–330). In particular, gender, religiosity, and "Born-Again" Christian affiliation are all predictive of responding to either the Anti-Abortion Access or Pro-Abortion Access frame by moving the opposite direction as intended on the feeling thermometer.

In this analysis of federal court cases relying upon the landmark Roe v. Wade decision, the author finds that the pro-life movement in the United States has suffered repeated losses in abortion litigation. Additionally, her research indicates that, despite claims to the contrary, the pro-life movement is a loose collection of underfunded and understaffed public interest organizations. The pro-choice forces are vastly more powerful in abortion litigation, have superior organization and financing, and include not only public interest groups but also private interests such as clinics and professi.