The Indian parliament as an institution of accountability
In: Democracy, governance and human rights 23
In: Democracy, governance and human rights 23
In: Démocratie, gouvernance et droits de l'homme 19
In: Politiques et management public: PMP, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 121-138
ISSN: 0758-1726, 2119-4831
In: International Institute of Administrative Sciences monographs 25
In: Maghreb, Machrek: revue trimestrielle = al- Maġrib wa-ʾl-mašriq, Heft 181, S. 111-126
ISSN: 1762-3162, 0336-6324, 1241-5294
World Affairs Online
In: Democracy, governance and human rights 17
Serial sanitary disasters now punctuate the history of damages. In facing such risks, progress made in recent years has focused on prevention and upstream processing through the implementation of a strong legislative arsenal with preventive purposes. Yet, this legislative arsenal based on "avoidance" cannot be effective without a corresponding "sanctioning" mechanism. However, our classic liability law is ill equipped in terms of searching for the truth, the causes of such events and effectively engage responsibilities. This sense of impunity comes from the inadequacy between the classic liability law and the particularities of serial sanitary disasters. The progress in adapting our liability law to this type of events is already remarkable. Nonetheless, the construction of an actual law for natural disasters remains an open question.The subject of this study is precisely to study the specificities of sanitary disasters, particularly serial ones, in order to see how our liability law adapts to it. The purpose here is to propose possible solutions to further develop, complete or even reform our liability law to align judicial accountability research with the specificities of serial sanitary disasters and thus make it more efficient and effective.The specificities of serial sanitary disasters firstly have an impact on substantive law that governs civil, administrative and criminal liability (Part I). Furthermore, the difficulties posed by serial sanitary disasters also impact procedural law and the judicial system. Indeed, we must not forget that procedural rules condition the effectiveness of the liability law rules (Part II).But before getting into the substance of the analysis, it will be necessary to agree on the notion of serial sanitary disaster. In fact, it is necessary to conceptualize a notion that can become the crucible of a legal model. ; Les catastrophes sanitaires sérielles rythment désormais l'histoire des dommages. Face à de tels risques, les avancées de ces dernières années ont été marquées par ...
BASE
In: Études internationales, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 595
ISSN: 1703-7891
What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian "residue" from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support. ; Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment ...
BASE
What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian "residue" from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support. ; Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment ...
BASE
Les articles 58 et 120 de la Constitution consacrent l'irresponsabilité parlementaire, qui empêche que les parlementaires soient poursuivis ou recherchés en raison des opinions et votes qu'ils émettent dans l'exercice de leurs fonctions. Tel que le champ d'application de l'irresponsabilité est traditionnellement interprété en Belgique, celle-ci ne couvre pas les interventions des parlementaires dans les médias ou les réseaux sociaux, même s'ils se bornent à répéter des propos antérieurement tenus dans l'hémicycle parlementaire, alors que de tels moyens de communication ont une importance accrue dans le fonctionnement politique contemporain. Au cours de la dernière législature, plusieurs affaires ont illustré ce décalage entre, d'une part, le champ d'application de l'irresponsabilité parlementaire tel que traditionnellement interprété et, d'autre part, les moyens de communication politique contemporains. La proposition de révision de la Constitution développée dans le cadre de la présente contribution tend à élargir légèrement le champ d'application de l'irresponsabilité parlementaire, afin de procurer aux parlementaires une plus grande sécurité juridique lorsqu'ils entendent extérioriser leur activité parlementaire, en la diffusant ou discutant en dehors de l'assemblée. Dans la mesure où les articles 58 et 120 de la Constitution ne sont actuellement pas ouverts à révision, une piste alternative est proposée pour aboutir à l'extension souhaitée du champ d'application, piste qui a été empruntée par un jugement récent, rendu dans l'affaire du « Kazakhgate ». Quelle que soit la piste retenue, l'extension du champ d'application de l'irresponsabilité parlementaire est susceptible de causer un certain nombre d'inconvénients, qui pourraient toutefois, dans une certaine mesure, être limités par des mesures accompagnant l'extension envisagée. ; In de artikelen 58 en 120 van de Grondwet wordt de parlementaire onverantwoordelijkheid vastgelegd, waardoor parlementsleden niet vervolgd of aan onderzoek onderworpen kunnen worden betreffende de meningen en stemmen die zij in de uitoefening van hun functie hebben uitgebracht. Zoals het toepassingsgebied van de onverantwoordelijkheid traditioneel in België geïnterpreteerd wordt, vallen er geen interventies van parlementsleden in de media of sociale netwerken onder, ook als ze slechts uitspraken die eerder in het parlementaire halfrond zijn gedaan herhalen, terwijl dergelijke communicatiemiddelen een steeds belangrijkere rol spelen in het hedendaagse politieke functioneren. Tijdens de vorige zittingsperiode is deze discrepantie tussen enerzijds het toepassingsgebied van de parlementaire onverantwoordelijkheid zoals die traditioneel wordt geïnterpreteerd en anderzijds de hedendaagse politieke communicatiemiddelen in een aantal gevallen duidelijk naar voren gekomen. Het voorstel tot herziening van de Grondwet dat in het kader van deze bijdrage wordt uitgelegd, heeft tot doel het toepassingsgebied van de parlementaire onverantwoordelijkheid enigszins te verruimen, teneinde de parlementsleden meer rechtszekerheid te bieden wanneer zij voornemens zijn hun parlementaire activiteiten uit te besteden, door deze buiten de vergadering te verspreiden of te bespreken. Aangezien de artikelen 58 en 120 van de grondwet momenteel niet kunnen worden herzien, wordt een alternatieve aanpak voorgesteld om de gewenste uitbreiding van het toepassingsgebied te bereiken, die in een recent vonnis in de zaak "Kazakhgate" is overgenomen. Welke aanpak ook wordt gekozen, de uitbreiding van het toepassingsgebied van de parlementaire onverantwoordelijkheid zal een aantal nadelen met zich meebrengen, die echter kunnen worden beperkt door begeleidende maatregelen bij de beoogde uitbreiding. ; Articles 58 and 120 of the Constitution enshrine parliamentary non-accountability, which prevents parliamentarians from being prosecuted or sought because of opinions and votes they issue in the exercise of their duties. As the scope of non-accountability is traditionally interpreted in Belgium, it does not cover interventions by parliamentarians in the media or social networks, even if they merely repeat statements previously made in the parliamentary hemicycle (even though such means of communication are increasingly important in contemporary political functioning). During the last legislature, several cases have illustrated the discrepancy between the scope of parliamentary irresponsibility as traditionally interpreted on the one hand, and the contemporary means of political communication on the other. The proposal for revision of the Constitution developed in this contribution tends to slightly broaden the scope of parliamentary non-accountability, in order to provide parliamentarians with greater legal certainty when they intend to externalise their parliamentary activity, by disseminating or discussing it outside the assembly. Insofar as Articles 58 and 120 of the Constitution are not currently open to revision, an alternative path is proposed to achieve the desired extension of the scope of application, a path that was taken by a recent judgment in the "Kazakhgate" case. Whichever option is chosen, the extension of the scope of parliamentary non-accountability is likely to cause a number of disadvantages, which could, however, be limited to a certain extent by measures accompanying the envisaged extension. ; Peer reviewed
BASE