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The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries. This is the Dutch language edition! This study is also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism - De toegenomen spanningen rondom radicale moslims en radicale stromingen binnen de politieke islam manifesteren zich niet alleen in het Westen maar vooral ook binnen de moslimwereld zelf. Al sinds de jaren '70 komen stromingen en politieke bewegingen op die zich richten tegen de status quo. Zij pleiten voor vergaande islamisering: het funderen van de politiek, het recht en de samenleving op islamitische grondslagen. Deze studie van de WRR analyseert de ontwikkelingen in het islamitisch denken, het politiek activisme, de samenleving en het recht sinds de jaren zeventig. In hoeverre is er sprake van een succesvolle islamisering? Welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de pogingen binnen en buiten de moslimwereld om te komen tot (verdere) democratisering en meer respect voor mensenrechten? En wat kunnen Nederland en de Europese Unie doen om ontwikkelingen in die richting te bevorderen? De studie baseert zich onder meer op uitvoerige "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">empirische studies van deskundigen naar de verandering van het islamitisch denken en naar de rechtsdynamiek in twaalf verschillende moslimlanden. Ook verschenen in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism

This study reports the results of qualitative interviews with 28 extreme right wing activists in Flanders (Belgium). We focus on the (ideological) motives for activism (why did they become active?) & the trajectory followed in becoming active (how did they become active?). The results show that these activists are primarily motivated by ethnic nationalism. All other ideological stands (e.g., rejection of foreigners, authoritarian attitudes & rejection of actual politics in Belgium) seem to be derived from this core of ethnic nationalism. The trajectory followed is primarily one that relates to socialization & continuity: most interviewees grew up in a family in which nationalism was of primordial importance. A minority of respondents, however, followed trajectories that refer to compliance or to conversion (deprivation). Adapted from the source document.

PO surveys from 1979 to 1981 are analyzed to assess changing Dutch attitudes on foreign & defense policies & the influence of pressure group activism, particularly that of the peace movement. Despite difficulties in data interpretation, findings indicate a greater change in intensity than in content of such attitudes; while there is quasi-unanimity to maintain NATO membership & balance of power, the majority of Rs want no new nuclear arms probably due to the peace movement, & wish to remove existing ones from Dutch territory & cease nuclear activity in the Dutch armed forces. Potential political gains by parties espousing these goals, particularly the Dutch Labor Party, are predicted. Contradictions in the available data are noted, however, & the necessity of more detailed research is emphasized. 35 Tables. Modified HA.

During the First World War, the German occupier tried to split Belgium internally. This was done by pursuing a Flamenpolitik, a policy aimed at scaring the Flemish, or at least the Flemish movement, against Belgium. That worked, because a small number of Flemish supporters, the so-called activists, did indeed collaborate. From the late summer of 1914, Berlin in the occupied country would incessantly bombard the Flemish movement with a large-scale media campaign. The German services, supported by their Austrian allies, mainly made use of pamphlets and the written press, not only in Belgium but also in the neutral Netherlands. In the summer of 1915 activism was a fact: an anti-Belgian Flemish nationalism, the consequences of which have been felt to date, had seen the light of day. The propaganda underlying it was so ingenious and clever that it not only convinced contemporaries, but still misleads historians even more than a century later. It is a fine example of "fake news" avant la lettre. - Tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog probeerde de Duitse bezetter België intern te splijten. Dat gebeurde door het voeren van een Flamenpolitik, een beleid dat erop gericht was de Vlamingen of in elk geval de Vlaamse beweging in het harnas te jagen tegen België. Dat lukte, want een klein deel Vlaamsgezinden, de zogenaamde activisten, collaboreerde inderdaad. Vanaf de nazomer van 1914 zou Berlijn in het bezette land de Vlaamse beweging onophoudelijk bestoken met een grootscheepse mediacampagne. De Duitse diensten, gesteund door hun Oostenrijkse bondgenoten, maakten daarbij vooral gebruik van vlugschriften en de geschreven pers, niet alleen in België maar ook in het neutrale Nederland. In de zomer van 1915 was het activisme een feit: een anti-Belgisch Vlaams-nationalisme, waarvan de gevolgen tot op heden voelbaar zijn, had het daglicht gezien. De propaganda die eraan ten grondslag lag was zó vernuftig en ingenieus dat ze niet alleen tijdgenoten overtuigde, maar zelfs meer dan een eeuw later nog steeds historici misleidt. Het is een mooi staaltje van "fake news" avant la lettre.

Changes in the post-WWII organization & structure of the Belgian political party system are discussed, focusing on the emergence of the welfare state. The prevalent trend of subcontracting social services to private firms, under the general direction of the sponsoring parties, is noted. The linguistic fractionalization of the major parties, the dynamics among the Catholic majority concentrated in Flanders, the socialist opposition centered chiefly in Wallonia, & the "balance" liberal parties are examined. Shifts in party identification & function, eg, toward clientelism & a dominant role in public policy formulation, are detailed, along with the role of TV in disseminating party propaganda. The declining role of party volunteers & grassroots activism is also discussed. Modified HA.

A DOCUMENTARY RECORD OF A SERIES OF CONFLICTS CONCERNING POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE U OF AMSTERDAM IS PRESENTED. ON 20 DEC 1972 THE COUNCIL OF THE DEPT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE (IN WHICH STAFF & STUDENTS ARE REPRESENTED) ADOPTED A NEW SYSTEM OF INTERDISCIPLINARY GROUPS WITHIN THE DEPT. THIS DECISION WAS THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE FOR THE PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, H. DAUDT, & 5 STAFF MEMBERS TO SUSPEND THEIR TEACHING ACTIVITIES. THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE U & THE U COUNCIL BECAME INVOLVED IN THIS ISSUE. ORDERED TO RESUME THEIR TEACHING ACTIVITIES, THESE CIVIL SERVANTS APPEALED TO THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURT. THE DOCUMENTS PRESENTED CONSIST OF OFFICIAL LETTERS, STATEMENTS, RULINGS, & EXTRACTS FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE PUBLIC BODIES THAT DEALT WITH THE MATTER. THE CONFLICT, WHICH STANDS UNRESOLVED AT THE TIME OF PUBLICATION, CAN BE SEEN AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF MORE OVERALL DEBATE ABOUT THE POSITION OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE DUTCH U'S & STUDENT ACTIVISM. HA.