Suchergebnisse

Razvoj digitalne tehnologije otvorio je vrata novim mogućnostima stvaranja i prenošenja informacija u različitim oblicima uz pomoć digitalnih medija. Civilno društvo sve češće preuzima i javne usluge koje država prestaje ili više ne uspijeva pružati te je svojevrsni korektiv državnim institucijama, osobito kada su one slabe i nedjelotvorne. Takve društvene promjene stavljaju pred građane i civilno društvo velik izazov. Internetski mediji, posebno društvene mreže, zahvaljujući mogućnosti interaktivne komunikacije na određen način utječu na razvoj političkoga aktivizma kod građana. Pomak od konvencionalnih medija (novine, televizija) na nekonvencionalne (internet) omogućava decentralizaciju komunikacije, otežava kontrolu i restrikcije i čini informacije te razmjenu mišljenja i stavova široko dostupnima. Tako se građanima preko društvenih mreža pruža prilika da sudjeluju u javnome diskursu, iznose mišljenja i stavove te raspravljaju o političkim i društvenim pitanjima. Nekada viđeni samo kao pasivni konzumenti, gledatelji postaju aktivni sudionici kao građani – izvor informacija (Perišin, 2004), što uvelike utječe na interakciju među građanima i razvoj kritičnoga mišljenja. Napredak tehnologije i razvoj društvenih mreža, također, omogućavaju lakše umrežavanje te poticanje razvoja određenih građanskih inicijativa. Time se ujedno otvaraju nove mogućnosti jačanja potencijala organizacija civilnoga društva za mobilizaciju građana za sudjelovanje u društveno korisnim programima i projektima, kao i općenito prostor podrške razvoju civilnoga društva. Svrha je ovoga rada istražiti kako upotreba internetskih medija odnosno društvenih mreža utječe i potiče razvoj građanskoga aktivizma i civilnog društva. ; The evolution of digital technology has opened the door to new means of creating and passing information in various forms with the help of new media. Civil society often takes over public services that the state does not or cannot provide, and serves as a sort of corrective for state institutions, especially if the institutions are weak or ineffective. Such social changes are a great challenge to citizens and civil society. Due to their potential for interactive communication, online media, and particularly social networks influence the development of political activism. The transition from conventional media (newspaper, television) to unconventional (internet, social networks) enables the decentralisation of communication, hinders restrictions and control as well as makes the exchange of opinion and information widely accessible. Through social networks, citizens are allowed to participate in public discourse, present their opinions and thoughts, and discuss political and social matters. Once seen as pure passive consumers, the viewers now become active participants as citizens – the source of information (Perišin, 2010), which has a great impact on the interaction between citizens as well as the development of critical thought. The very advancement of technology and the evolution of social networks enable easier networking and encourage certain civic initiatives. This in result opens up new possibilities for the strengthening of the civic initiative's potential for citizen mobilisation towards participating in socially beneficial programs and projects as well as opening up new space for the support of civil society. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of Internet media, i.e. social networks, affect and stimulate the development of civic activism and civil society.

Court activism occurs when courts not only dabble in pronouncing sentences but also want to take part in the creation of social policies & thus come into contact with many more people than when solving cases on an individual basis. Activism of a court is measured by the degree of its "authority" over the citizens, the legislature, & the administration. The author defines the concept & the elements of court activism through the examples of several developed constitutional democracies. He concludes that court activism in the form known in contemporary constitutional democracies is lacking in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

The successive stages of development of constitutional democracy in the USA, in particular the experience of "judicial supervision paradox," show us that the U.S. Supreme Court performed at least two different functions: (1) norm enforcement, & (2) policy-making through re-examination & interpretation of the Constitution & the laws in cases brought before the Court. Dissent among American legal experts related to this & other matters prove that debates on judicial activism are not a thing of the past. Still, both advocates & critics of judicial activism share the view that judges have been an important part of the American constitutional process since its inception. The Marbury v. Madison case (1803) affirmed the institution of judicial supervision & denoted a gradual shift of judicial power into the field of public law. Thus further expansion & transformation of judicial power was made possible. In this article, the author establishes a connection between judicial activism & judicial supervision, & adheres to the standpoint that the "judicializing aspect of modern liberalism" deserves as much attention as any other aspect of democratization. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the origin & the evolution of the notion of civil society & outlines the contemporary debates on its meaning & democratic potential, as well as its democratic deficits. The concept of civil society (originally devised by Aristotle & used for centuries in political philosophy), was revived in the 1980s, first in the East-European movements against the Stalinist state socialism, & later in the new social movements in the West & in social sciences in general. Today's understanding of this term is the result of the branching out of the classical term: while originally it denoted an association of citizens as a political community, Montesquieu & Hegel came up with the difference between the civil society & the state as a political community. Later, a series of modern authors, in line with Gramsci, additionally differentiated between the civil & the market societies. The case in point is Jurgen Habermas who defines civil society as a system of spontaneously generated non-state & nonprofit associations connected via the venues of public communication & whose goal is not to win the firsthand political power. Another understanding of civil society has resulted from a long cooperation of the UN & its specialized institutions with the nongovernmental organizations that came to the fore at the major thematic UN-sponsored conferences in the l990s. The author criticizes the idealized picture of civil society as a form of the organization & the democracy-promoting communication of citizens. A developed civil society is undoubtedly important for democracy, but this also requires the appropriate checking mechanisms. The potential deficits of the civil society are reform blockade, the risk of the loss of civilness in populist movements & the social asymmetry of civil activism. Finally, the author looks into a variety of proposals that see in the European civil society the means of the democratization of the European Union. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

The emancipation of the Commonwealth countries had a particular impact on the traditional British principle of inviolable sovereignty of the Parliament. Ever since 1931, when the Imperial Parliament, through the Westminster Act, renounced the unilateral exercise of legislative power in the Dominions, the theory of parliamentary sovereignty as unlimited legislative power has been subject to alterations under the pressure of political reality. The process was most pronounced in the 1982-1998 period, when the United Kingdom & several member-countries of the Commonwealth, as "the last democratic strongholds of traditional legislative supremacy," adopted various documents in which human rights are guaranteed. The author elucidates the characteristics of the new, Commonwealth model of constitutionalism, wherein the constitutionalization of fundamental rights has made possible not only specific forms of judicial supervision, but also an increase of judicial activism. Adapted from the source document.

Ovim radom pružen je uvid u razvoj odnosa s javnošću kao profesije, gledano kroz 4 modela Gruniga i Hunta te su navedene i objašnjene tehnike koje se koriste u odnosima s javnošću. Objašnjen je i pojam aktivizma kao i njegovi najznačajniji teorijski aspekti, oblici i metode. U sklopu istraživanja korištene su dvije metode; analiza sadržaja i anketni upitnik. Analizom sadržaja obuhvaćeno je 129 aktivističkih organizacija na području Republike Hrvatske, a na anketni upitnik u potpunosti je odgovorilo 39 organizacija. Pokazalo se da većina hrvatskih aktivističkih organizacija prepoznaje važnost odnosa s javnošću, njima se bavi svakodnevno te koristi brojne tehnike meĎu kojima prednjači internet, posebice društvene mreže i web stranice. Od društvenih mreža daleko je najzastupljeniji Facebook, na kojemu profil ima 110 od 129 proučenih organizacija. MeĎutim, financijska ulaganja u odnose s javnošću kod većine su organizacija nepostojeća, a slijede ih organizacije koje ulažu izmeĎu 1 i 5% od svojih ukupnih financijskih sredstava. Rezultati ukazuju na to da postoji prostor za napredak odnosa s javnošću u aktivističkim organizacijama, što bi bilo korisno za profesiju odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj, kao i za aktivističke organizacije koje bi si većim ulaganjima mogle osigurati bolju komunikaciju s ključnim javnostima, a samim time i veću učinkovitost u postizanju svojih ciljeva. ; This thesis is aimed at showing the development of public relations as a profession, using Grunig's and Hunt's 4 models, as well as naming and explaining different techniques of public relations. Furthermore, it explains activism mentioning most important aspects of theory and identifying its various forms and mechanisms. Two methods were used for the purposes of the research; content analysis and survey questionnaire. Content analysis included 129 croatian activist organizations, while only 39 organizations completed the survey questionnaire. The results show that most Croatian activistic organizations recognize the importance of public ...

The article analyses the main characteristics of a new German political party -- Piratenpartei, its genesis and the impact it has already had on German politics. The success of this party, which now has representatives in the Parliament of Berlin and four more regional parliaments in Germany city council, is an indication of the importance of the Internet, as well as of the need to address new issues on the political agenda. Some of these issues involve free access to information, as well as the need for abandoning periodical elections as the main method of citizens' involvement in politics. Instead, the Piratenpartei, as well as other similar parties in northern Europe, advocates a more permanent and direct involvement of people in the decision-making process. This is defined as the concept of "liquid democracy". The Piratenpartei has influenced the German political scene by forcing other political parties to adopt their programmes if they wish to preserve their influence in German politics. This is particularly important for the younger generation of voters, who are now increasingly using the Internet as an instrument of political activism. Adapted from the source document.

The article distinguishes two ways in which Heidegger can be a subject of research. In one type of research, he is a historical figure of political events, & as such a subject of history as a science. Such research has to satisfy the scientific criteria of historiographical method regardless of how critically it treats its subject. In the second type, the subject are Heidegger's work & the philosophical motives of his political involvement at the start of the Nazi regime in 1933/34. An analysis has in both cases come up with some sloppy scientific procedures & shown that frequently the a priori assumptions get the upper hand, & tend to lean in favour of proving his guilt. A brief introductory overview of the debate is followed by a concise historical outline of the stages in this controversy, & then by an excursus about the essence of the scientific method, & finally by a critical review of the works of some historians which serves the author to demonstrate how it is possible for research to get off the right track when not respecting the criteria & the standards of the scientific method. The second part focuses on the question of the interpretation of the relationship between philosophy & political activism. The thesis (with critical references to some recent ideas by Fried, Kisiel, Thoma) is that the philosophical motives of Heidegger's "leap" into politics should primarily be sought in the methodological dimensions of his work, primarily in those linked to the problems of grounding, & not so much in certain notional concordances of his categories with the Nazi terminology & concepts. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.