Suchergebnisse

(English version below) Il progetto ERC ARTIVISM si concentra su varie forme d'arte utilizzate dagli attivisti per formulare rivendicazioni politiche. Da una prospettiva multisensoriale in città molto diverse, sparse su tre continenti (Douala e Yaoundé in Camerun, Los Angeles negli Stati Uniti d'America, Genova e Viareggio in Italia e Nizza e Marsiglia in Francia) vengono esplorate la creatività e la performance come forme sovversive di espressione politica Applicando un approccio diretto all'evento piuttosto di una prospettiva centrata sul gruppo, il team del progetto ERC ARTIVISM ha elaborato specifici metodi di apprendimento, field-crossing e antropologia audiovisiva (riprese video, disegni). I primi risultati mostrano come l'ascesa della speculazione, della turistificazione e del city-marketing siano gli obiettivi scelti dagli attivisti che organizzano performance politiche carnevalesche, veri e propri carnevali indipendenti in un contesto di securrizzazione, controllo e censura. The ERC ARTIVISM project focuses on various art forms used by activists in order to formulate political claims. From a multisensory perspective, creativity and performance as subversive forms of political expression are researched in super-diverse cities on three continents (Douala and Yaoundé in Cameroon, Los Angeles in the United States of America, Genova and Viareggio in Italy and Nice and Marseille in France). Applying the event approach instead of a group-centred perspective, the team has elaborated on methods of apprenticeship, field-crossing (Salzbrunn 2011) and audio-visual anthropology (filming, drawing). Preliminary results indicate the growing importance of speculation, touristification and city-marketing as targets chosen by activists who organise independent carnival and carnivalesque political performances in a context of securisation, control and censorship.

Nata a Pistoia nel 1880 e morta a Genova nel 1971, Leda Rafanelli abbraccia giovanissima l'ideale anarchico; durante un suo breve soggiorno ad Alessandria d'Egitto, incontra e si innamora di Luigi Polli, il pubblicista fiorentino – in seguito suo primo marito – che la introdurrà alla locale colonia anarchica italiana della Baracca Rossa. Subito dopo la Rafanelli si converte al sufismo – conversione rappresentativa della sua ribellione ai miti colonialisti e capitalisti dell'Occidente. Con il secondo compagno, Giuseppe Monanni, dirigerà la Casa Editrice Sociale, punto di riferimento per la cultura italiana dissenziente durante gli anni della dittatura fascista, ma anche del secondo dopoguerra. Solo ultimamente tornata ad essere criticamente valutata ed apprezzata, in Memorie di una chiromante (che ha visto la pubblicazione nel 2010, per i tipi di Nerosubianco, grazie al lavoro di Milva Cappellini e di Fiamma Chessa) Leda Rafanelli ci propone una comunità di donne raccontata da una donna, dove la vita quotidiana è contemporaneamente luogo privato e spazio dove esprimersi anche politicamente. Romanzo della maturità e della vecchiaia, Memorie di una Chiromante è una pedagogica metautobiografia in cui la scrittura di sé – ed in modo particolare quella femminile – diventa atto politico per eccellenza. ; Leda Rafanelli (1880 - 1971) was a political activist, a poet and a novelist, a scholar of Arabic languages, and an individualist anarchist. She converted to Sufism at a very early age, while she was travelling in Egypt, where she met Luigi Polli, a comrade who introduced her to the Italian anarchist circles in Alexandria; later he became her first husband and co-publisher. Although many individualist anarchists would side in favor of World War I as interventionists, Leda stated her pacifist ideas throughout her long life. She wrote tirelessly, from political pamphlets to children stories, from anti- colonialist novels to biographies and auto-biographies. With Giuseppe Monanni, her second partner, she founded the influential publishing house Casa Editrice Sociale, active from 1907 to 1935. Memorie di una chiromante (The memories of a fortune teller) was published in 2010 thanks to the research conducted by Milva Cappellini and Fiamma Chessa, the director and keeper of the Archive Famiglia Berneri – Aurelio Chessa in Reggio Emilia. Written when Leda had reached her maturity, it is a collective meta-autobiography and an invaluable handbook to practice existence as a political act through the methodology of self narration – which, especially in the case of women's autobiography, becomes quintessentially political.

The book addresses the theme of youth climate activism building on the experience of FridaysForFuture activists and analyzing both their social representations of climate change and their social media usage practices. It accounts for the results of a qualitative research carried out with(in) the Roman group of the movement, adopting a solidarity-based epistemic stance that invites reflections both on activism and research practices.
Drawing upon social representations theory, the authors analyze how the "Fridays" perceive climate change: as a socio-ecological crisis that comes from afar and has repercussions on the future, as something that affects everything and everyone; but also, as a generational problem whose environmental, social, and economic costs will be paid mainly by young people. On the other hand, guided by the literature on digital activism, the authors explore the way in which the activists inhabit social media: as constitutive environments of activism, where political and media practices define each other; but also, as environments that belong to young people and are characterized by age-specific communication styles.
The two experiences related to climate change and the political usages of social media influence each other, giving rise to an unprecedented youth movement for the climate that can tell us about the transformations currently undergoing digital, environmental, and youth activism.

The paper examines appeals against precautionary measures from the specific standpoint of the balance between promptness and right to defence for suspect and accused. For this purpose, three recent judgments of the Joint Chambers of the Court of Cassation are analyzed: the oscillating solutions adopted by the Supreme Court would require an authentic legislative interpretation. ; Il saggio si occupa delle impugnazioni cautelari esaminandole da uno specifico angolo visuale, quello del bilanciamento fra le esigenze di celerità e la tutela del diritto di difesa dell'indagato e dell'imputato. A questo fine, vengono analizzate tre recenti decisioni delle Sezioni unite della Corte di cassazione, che documentano posizioni oscillanti della Suprema Corte e richiederebbero interpretazioni autentiche da parte del legislatore. ; Il saggio si occupa delle impugnazioni cautelari esaminandole da uno specifico angolo visuale, quello del bilanciamento fra le esigenze di celerità e la tutela del diritto di difesa dell'indagato e dell'imputato. A questo fine, vengono analizzate tre recenti decisioni delle Sezioni unite della Corte di cassazione, che documentano posizioni oscillanti della Suprema Corte e richiederebbero interpretazioni autentiche da parte del legislatore.

The term activism usually refers to an activity aimed to produce some change at political and/or social level. An activist translation consists therefore in the practice which, through the means of translation, has this precise objective. If on the one hand the tool of translation can help reaching the objective, on the other the very selection of the texts chosen for the translation can also imply a precise ideal audience in the mind of the translator. The translation of a text can therefore help produce cultural change, which has now come to be identified as the performative aspect of activist translation. The present contribution focuses on one particular document published in 2017 in Scotland concerning the introduction of the LGBT+ history in the national educational curriculum to help fight gender-based discrimination and bullying. ; La pubblicazione è stata finanziata con i fondi del preside della Facoltà di Lingue e Lettere dell'Università di Łódź e del direttore dell'Istituto di Romanistica del medesimo ateneo

Fin dagli anni '80 del XIX secolo, centinaia di migliaia d'italiani lasciarono la loro terra per cercare migliori opportunità nelle repubbliche sudamericane. Ma non furono i soli, poiché le persecuzioni attuate dai governi della penisola contro la minaccia sovversiva, spinse anarchici e socialisti a fuggire all'estero. Molti attivisti, quindi, scelsero l'Argentina e il Brasile come punto d'arrivo. Questa studio analizza il ruolo svolto dagli anarchici emiliani e romagnoli nella formazione dei movimenti libertari in Sudamerica, così come il loro rapporto con le società locali e con gli altri immigranti dall'Europa ; Since 1880s, hundreds of thousands of Italians left their country to look for better opportunities in South American republics. But not only poor peasants go abroad in those years. Fast growing of anachist movement in Italy become a real problem for ruling classes, and governments pursued activists as they were criminals. Then, anarchists chose the exile way, and many of them pointed to Argentina and Brazil. This work analyses the role of Emilia and Romagna's anarchists in the South American libertarian movements' development, and their relationships with local societies and European migrants.

Despite online media having become an increasingly valuable tool for social movements to achieve their goals, the digital presence of animal advocacy organizations is still under-explored. This paper contributes to fill the gap by analyzing the social media communication of Italian animal advocates against the backdrop of a typology developed in the offline context that distinguishes political, anarchist, anti-political and mainstream animal advocacy. By using text and data mining techniques, the Facebook pages of eight Italian organizations representative of each type of advocacy were analyzed, based on over 7,000 posts and followers' reactions. The findings complicated the offline typology by showing elements of continuity, discontinuity and hybridization between offline and online activism. They also shed light on the online communication of animal advocates and provided some initial insight into how online media can affect animal rights activism, thus providing a contribution to the emerging field of digital media and social movement studies.

This contribution investigates practices, imaginaries and representations delivered by The House of Women Lucha y Siesta, a women's shelter and political collective located in Rome. Based on an in-depth interview with three activists of the House, the contribution explores their perceptions and experiences concerning three thematic areas: the construction of narrative and communication strategies and their dissemination across social networking platforms; the choice of languages and aesthetics and their relationship with the collective imaginary; the role of digital platforms in processes of political participation.

This contribution investigates practices, imaginaries and representations delivered by The House of Women Lucha y Siesta, a women's shelter and political collective located in Rome. Based on an in-depth interview with three activists of the House, the contribution explores their perceptions and experiences concerning three thematic areas: the construction of narrative and communication strategies and their dissemination across social networking platforms; the choice of languages and aesthetics and their relationship with the collective imaginary; the role of digital platforms in processes of political participation.

Through thematic analysis of an in-depth interview with Italian crossmedia artist Charlie G Fennel, the contribution investigates the relationship among art, gender politics and digital environments. Without any generalizing ambition, the study explores the production of meaning that emerges from the interaction between a gender non-conforming subject and the symbolic system of digital media. It inquires the ways in which social media and digital platforms provide spaces, tools and languages that are functional to the self-representation and deconstruction of (visual) gender conventions in a specific form of artistic activism.

In the organization of the recent presidential elections in Somaliland, the implementation of specific political techniques (namely the registration of voters by means of digital fingerprint and facial recordings) took on very distinctive meanings, guaranteeing the international community involved in the process and local political actors of the "free and fair" character of the electoral competition and assuring a complete transition from a political system based on the "government of the community" to one based on western style democratic institutions (a multi-party presidential system). The reality however proved to be not that simple: the registration of voters actually caused conflicts or ignited those already existing, contributing to extend the long and hazardous period of preparation to the polls. In the process, the relationships between "technique" and "politics" appeared far more complex than expected: political techniques determine a space of interaction which eventually produces the assimilation of local political practices to the dominant forms of political organization, specific cultures of voting and a specific electoral body. Technique here operates as a form of self-legitimization which promises neutrality in order to have conformity. The article situates itself in contemporary debates on political development in post-conflict societies but it also reminds how artificial is the opposition between clan or tribal politics and western style democratic politics, generally seen as one of the most specific features of politics in Africa, in particular in Somali history. In reality, a continuous negotiation between corporate and collective forms of participation and activism on the one side and individual expression of vote on the other represents a typical feature shared by the two systems. Adapted from the source document.