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The subject of this master thesis is a structure of a social movement and influence of new media on it. Linking social movements with political activism in postindustrial societies this works aims to find out possible influence of new media on political activism. The aim of this work is to explain impact of new media on social movement evolution by using established theories of social movement research. By way of this work established social movement theories were brought to the Lithuanian social context this way checking their validity in explaining political activism in Lithuania. The main objectives were these: to analyze theories of social movements; to analyze existing knowledge on new media; using these theories in explaining influence of new media on social movements; to define main concepts of the research; to create methodology of the case study; to carry out a case study; to discuss possible generalization of the results. A case study was used as a method. One mobilization case of public space preservation movement in Vilnius was chosen. A method triangulation, usual to use in case studies, contained observation of the newsgroup, used by activists, quantitative analysis of newsgroup activity and deep qualitative interviews with participants of the movement. The hypothesis was that "social movement was an all-channel network connecting social networks which existed already before the act of mobilization. Communication using new media strengthens the existing links but do not create a new network." Hypothesis was not fully supported by the research. There were important limitations. Even though a movement was functioning as a network structure the study showed the type of this network being flexible and changing in time. There was a link of social movement network with past social networks. However research showed that social movement network, which was created by communication using new media, was a completely new, involving separate social networks, which were not linked before. Possible use of this pilot study in further analysis of the case as well as development of theory was discussed. This work might be used in further studies of social movements as well as in attempts to explain social occurrences, linked with topic of this work.

The subject of this master thesis is a structure of a social movement and influence of new media on it. Linking social movements with political activism in postindustrial societies this works aims to find out possible influence of new media on political activism. The aim of this work is to explain impact of new media on social movement evolution by using established theories of social movement research. By way of this work established social movement theories were brought to the Lithuanian social context this way checking their validity in explaining political activism in Lithuania. The main objectives were these: to analyze theories of social movements; to analyze existing knowledge on new media; using these theories in explaining influence of new media on social movements; to define main concepts of the research; to create methodology of the case study; to carry out a case study; to discuss possible generalization of the results. A case study was used as a method. One mobilization case of public space preservation movement in Vilnius was chosen. A method triangulation, usual to use in case studies, contained observation of the newsgroup, used by activists, quantitative analysis of newsgroup activity and deep qualitative interviews with participants of the movement. The hypothesis was that "social movement was an all-channel network connecting social networks which existed already before the act of mobilization. Communication using new media strengthens the existing links but do not create a new network." Hypothesis was not fully supported by the research. There were important limitations. Even though a movement was functioning as a network structure the study showed the type of this network being flexible and changing in time. There was a link of social movement network with past social networks. However research showed that social movement network, which was created by communication using new media, was a completely new, involving separate social networks, which were not linked before. Possible use of this pilot study in further analysis of the case as well as development of theory was discussed. This work might be used in further studies of social movements as well as in attempts to explain social occurrences, linked with topic of this work.

The subject of this master thesis is a structure of a social movement and influence of new media on it. Linking social movements with political activism in postindustrial societies this works aims to find out possible influence of new media on political activism. The aim of this work is to explain impact of new media on social movement evolution by using established theories of social movement research. By way of this work established social movement theories were brought to the Lithuanian social context this way checking their validity in explaining political activism in Lithuania. The main objectives were these: to analyze theories of social movements; to analyze existing knowledge on new media; using these theories in explaining influence of new media on social movements; to define main concepts of the research; to create methodology of the case study; to carry out a case study; to discuss possible generalization of the results. A case study was used as a method. One mobilization case of public space preservation movement in Vilnius was chosen. A method triangulation, usual to use in case studies, contained observation of the newsgroup, used by activists, quantitative analysis of newsgroup activity and deep qualitative interviews with participants of the movement. The hypothesis was that "social movement was an all-channel network connecting social networks which existed already before the act of mobilization. Communication using new media strengthens the existing links but do not create a new network." Hypothesis was not fully supported by the research. There were important limitations. Even though a movement was functioning as a network structure the study showed the type of this network being flexible and changing in time. There was a link of social movement network with past social networks. However research showed that social movement network, which was created by communication using new media, was a completely new, involving separate social networks, which were not linked before. Possible use of this pilot study in further analysis of the case as well as development of theory was discussed. This work might be used in further studies of social movements as well as in attempts to explain social occurrences, linked with topic of this work.

The subject of this master thesis is a structure of a social movement and influence of new media on it. Linking social movements with political activism in postindustrial societies this works aims to find out possible influence of new media on political activism. The aim of this work is to explain impact of new media on social movement evolution by using established theories of social movement research. By way of this work established social movement theories were brought to the Lithuanian social context this way checking their validity in explaining political activism in Lithuania. The main objectives were these: to analyze theories of social movements; to analyze existing knowledge on new media; using these theories in explaining influence of new media on social movements; to define main concepts of the research; to create methodology of the case study; to carry out a case study; to discuss possible generalization of the results. A case study was used as a method. One mobilization case of public space preservation movement in Vilnius was chosen. A method triangulation, usual to use in case studies, contained observation of the newsgroup, used by activists, quantitative analysis of newsgroup activity and deep qualitative interviews with participants of the movement. The hypothesis was that "social movement was an all-channel network connecting social networks which existed already before the act of mobilization. Communication using new media strengthens the existing links but do not create a new network." Hypothesis was not fully supported by the research. There were important limitations. Even though a movement was functioning as a network structure the study showed the type of this network being flexible and changing in time. There was a link of social movement network with past social networks. However research showed that social movement network, which was created by communication using new media, was a completely new, involving separate social networks, which were not linked before. Possible use of this pilot study in further analysis of the case as well as development of theory was discussed. This work might be used in further studies of social movements as well as in attempts to explain social occurrences, linked with topic of this work.

Technological diffusion and innovations are among the most important developments of contemporary reality that affect media businesses to a great extent. News production process is becoming faster and information is more accessible to audiences. It challenges media companies to react to changing conditions fast, to adapt to them, to deliver news as fast as possible and in various innovative formats, integrating text, visuals and audiovisuals. Studies done all over the world also show that communication and information technologies provide a better access to global information mostly produced by international news agencies. This way more and more international news appear in national media, the same information is spread all over the world making our news agendas more similar (homogeneous). However, other studies show that the proximity is still the most important news value factor for national and local audiences. Attractiveness and importance of local news is mainly determined by local cultural, social, political and other traditions and conditions. Local media, also in new interactive forms (as online news portals or social media channels) preserves its leading role in the cities and regions because it provides news that are substantial to local communities. The main aim of this study is to assess the impact and role of regional online media in Kaunas on the activism and engagement of local communities in public sphere. The basis of analysis is a qualitative focus group study and series of qualitative semi-structured interviews with journalists, editors and media experts that were conducted in 22 March, 2013. Study discloses that in the case of local issues and matters citizens of Kaunas tend to rely more on regional media. In some particular cases they do engage in online commenting, respond to questions raised by journalists. However, the main reason for making their own input to online content is the desire for publicity and recognition. Another discovery that comes from the qualitative study is that social media channels are also gaining popularity and recognition; they are becoming more trusted among local audiences in Kaunas. Nevertheless, relatively high number of various local online portals in Kaunas competing with strong national leading online media over the audience shares makes the situation in regional market vulnerable.

Technological diffusion and innovations are among the most important developments of contemporary reality that affect media businesses to a great extent. News production process is becoming faster and information is more accessible to audiences. It challenges media companies to react to changing conditions fast, to adapt to them, to deliver news as fast as possible and in various innovative formats, integrating text, visuals and audiovisuals. Studies done all over the world also show that communication and information technologies provide a better access to global information mostly produced by international news agencies. This way more and more international news appear in national media, the same information is spread all over the world making our news agendas more similar (homogeneous). However, other studies show that the proximity is still the most important news value factor for national and local audiences. Attractiveness and importance of local news is mainly determined by local cultural, social, political and other traditions and conditions. Local media, also in new interactive forms (as online news portals or social media channels) preserves its leading role in the cities and regions because it provides news that are substantial to local communities. The main aim of this study is to assess the impact and role of regional online media in Kaunas on the activism and engagement of local communities in public sphere. The basis of analysis is a qualitative focus group study and series of qualitative semi-structured interviews with journalists, editors and media experts that were conducted in 22 March, 2013. Study discloses that in the case of local issues and matters citizens of Kaunas tend to rely more on regional media. In some particular cases they do engage in online commenting, respond to questions raised by journalists. However, the main reason for making their own input to online content is the desire for publicity and recognition. Another discovery that comes from the qualitative study is that social media channels are also gaining popularity and recognition; they are becoming more trusted among local audiences in Kaunas. Nevertheless, relatively high number of various local online portals in Kaunas competing with strong national leading online media over the audience shares makes the situation in regional market vulnerable.

Technological diffusion and innovations are among the most important developments of contemporary reality that affect media businesses to a great extent. News production process is becoming faster and information is more accessible to audiences. It challenges media companies to react to changing conditions fast, to adapt to them, to deliver news as fast as possible and in various innovative formats, integrating text, visuals and audiovisuals. Studies done all over the world also show that communication and information technologies provide a better access to global information mostly produced by international news agencies. This way more and more international news appear in national media, the same information is spread all over the world making our news agendas more similar (homogeneous). However, other studies show that the proximity is still the most important news value factor for national and local audiences. Attractiveness and importance of local news is mainly determined by local cultural, social, political and other traditions and conditions. Local media, also in new interactive forms (as online news portals or social media channels) preserves its leading role in the cities and regions because it provides news that are substantial to local communities. The main aim of this study is to assess the impact and role of regional online media in Kaunas on the activism and engagement of local communities in public sphere. The basis of analysis is a qualitative focus group study and series of qualitative semi-structured interviews with journalists, editors and media experts that were conducted in 22 March, 2013. Study discloses that in the case of local issues and matters citizens of Kaunas tend to rely more on regional media. In some particular cases they do engage in online commenting, respond to questions raised by journalists. However, the main reason for making their own input to online content is the desire for publicity and recognition. Another discovery that comes from the qualitative study is that social media channels are also gaining popularity and recognition; they are becoming more trusted among local audiences in Kaunas. Nevertheless, relatively high number of various local online portals in Kaunas competing with strong national leading online media over the audience shares makes the situation in regional market vulnerable.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

Muslims have known & used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe & North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities.' Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity,' for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities -- during & after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian & Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it & indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power -- the fact that attests to its political nature. Da'wa as a truly missionary activity, albeit still within the Muslim Umma, appeared in the form of the Isma'ili da'wa of the 9th through 13th centuries. Isma'ilis, in many ways, can be seen as the pioneers of the organized Muslim missionary activities: their highly institutionalized & sophisticated da'wa structure has hardly been repeated until today. Moreover, for the Isma'ilis, da'wa was a state priority. The Isma'ili da'wa encompassed extra- & intra-ummaic forms & blended both theology & politics. The focal point of this article is the inter-relatedness of da'wa & politics on both theoretical & practical levels. On the one hand, the Quran nowhere directly implies da'wa to be a political activity. On the other hand, Muslims made it a part of their political theory (through relating da'wa to jihad) & life (using the concept of da'wa in their political agendas). Taken in general, the intertwining of da'wa & politics, then, has been a feature throughout the Muslim history, though practical implications of this have been different in different ages. [Abstract shortened by ProQuest.]. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents a study realized by the project "Promo¬ting women's policy initiatives to the balanced gender representation" financed by Lithuanian 2004-2006 Structural Funds programme. 18 women respondents candidate were interviewed in 5 (the two cities and three districts) constituencies and representing the highest rating for having parties or electoral coalitions. The study highlighted that not empowering electoral systems have an impact on women's involvement and representation, political activism gap between genders in Lithuania today in local elections emphasize that women often have fewer resources of time, money land civic skills than men as well as lower psychological engagement in politics. Through juggling their dual roles in the home and workplace, many working women with children and family responsibilities face competing demands on their time. Some, particularly the older generation of women, often lack the educational background, political socialization, financial assets and occupational experiences closely associated with political participation. Uncertainty, change, - are ubiquitous and the progress of democracy in the post communist region over the two decades presents lack of gender mainstreaming in political activism and particularly, the low political socialization of women participa¬ting in local elections.

The article presents a study realized by the project "Promo¬ting women's policy initiatives to the balanced gender representation" financed by Lithuanian 2004-2006 Structural Funds programme. 18 women respondents candidate were interviewed in 5 (the two cities and three districts) constituencies and representing the highest rating for having parties or electoral coalitions. The study highlighted that not empowering electoral systems have an impact on women's involvement and representation, political activism gap between genders in Lithuania today in local elections emphasize that women often have fewer resources of time, money land civic skills than men as well as lower psychological engagement in politics. Through juggling their dual roles in the home and workplace, many working women with children and family responsibilities face competing demands on their time. Some, particularly the older generation of women, often lack the educational background, political socialization, financial assets and occupational experiences closely associated with political participation. Uncertainty, change, - are ubiquitous and the progress of democracy in the post communist region over the two decades presents lack of gender mainstreaming in political activism and particularly, the low political socialization of women participa¬ting in local elections.