Suchergebnisse

Paola Vázquez Almanza (PV): En la tarde del 26 de julio de 1968, usted y otros alumnos de la Escuela Nacional de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales se dirigieron hacia el Hemiciclo a Juárez para realizar un mitin para conmemorar el inicio de la Revolución cubana. Ha contado usted que, esa tarde, a la Alameda llegó corriendo un grupo de jóvenes advirtiendo que los granaderos estaban reprimiendo a los estudiantes que protestaban contra la respuesta violenta de la policía en los sucesos desatados días antes en la Ciudadela. Este fue el día en el que usted lanzó por primera vez una piedra contra un camión de policía. ¿Cómo fue evolucionando su papel en el movimiento estudiantil? ¿Cómo pasó de ser un estudiante más en el mitin del 26 de julio a ser el responsable del "Manifiesto 2 de Octubre"?Gerardo Estrada Rodríguez (GE): Yo me definiría como un testigo permanente, sobre todo durante las primeras etapas del movimiento. Ciertamente, estuve en el mitin del 26 de julio, en Tlatelolco, y viví el día de la toma de la Rectoría de la UNAM. Estuve siempre alrededor del movimiento y tuve la suerte de no ser detenido, quizá porque no tenía ningún antecedente de militancia en el Partido Comunista u otra organización de izquierda. Además, era de los pocos que tenía automóvil en ese entonces, así que también tuve el papel de chofer durante el movimiento estudiantil. Llevaba y traía las pancartas y también a algunos compañeros.......

Con base en los estudios de género sobre la migración y recurriendo a herramientas conceptuales de la teoría crítica (Benhabib y Fraser), este artículo versa sobre las dificultades de inclusión de las mujeres migrantes en las comunidades de acogida, especialmente en la Unión Europea, y el modo como reivindican el estatuto de titulares de derechos humanos y laborales. En este sentido, su análisis comienza matizando que la migración no es un fenómeno neutro de género y, por consiguiente, que el activismo de las "mujeres migrantes", en la constelación transnacional, existe a la par de la feminización de la migración y de la precariedad. Centrado en el caso de las trabajadoras domésticas y de cuidados migrantes, este artículo revela: por un lado, la vulnerabilidad de estas mujeres recurriendo al concepto de "hiperprecariedad existencial"; y, por otro, la movilización de estas mujeres en ONGs y organizaciones comunitarias, en una intensa campaña por el reconocimiento de derechos laborales, recurriendo al concepto de "ciudadanía industrial activa". Así, se concluye que, como agentes activas, las "mujeres migrantes" contribuyen a la configuración de un mundo social, económico y culturalmente más justo, más inclusivo de mujeres y extranjeros. ; Based on gender studies on migration and using the conceptual tools of critical theory (Benhabib and Fraser), this article emphases the migrant women inclusion difficulties in the host communities, especially in the European Union, and how they claim the status of human and labor rights holders. In this sense, her analysis begins by stressing how migration is not a gender neutral phenomenon and, consequently, how the activism of "migrant women" in the transnational constellation is matched by the feminization of migration and precarity. With focus on the migrant domestic and care workers, this paper arguments: on the one hand, the vulnerability of these women by the use of the "existential hyper-precarity" concept; and, on the other hand, the mobilization of these women in NGOs and community organizations, in an intense campaign for the recognition of labor rights, using the "active industrial citizenship" concept. It is concluded, therefore, that as active agents the "migrant women" contribute to the configuration of a socially, economically and culturally more just world, more inclusive of women and foreigners. ; AEI/FEDER, EU ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of political activism through an irruption of citizen movements – 5M or Occupy–, the birth of new political platforms –5 Stelle, Zyrisa, Podemos– and the rise of new direct action groups, such as Anonymous, Stop-Evictions Movements, cooperatives, to name just a few. In some countries this activism has not just placed substantial pressure on traditional actors of representative democracy and governments, but has also opened up opportunities for structural changes in the policymaking context and procedures (García Marzá, 2012).

Images are part of the communication strategies of both the hegemonic powers and political activism. Images have recently been the focus of studies on social movements, highlighting the importance of visual activism in social media. However, the relationship between these visual narratives and mythological structures and how they operate to mobilize social change has not been significantly explored. This study analyses the role of environmental activism memes on social media and how, in anthropological terms, they can be understood as myths or narratives that offer a model for perceiving, understanding, judging and acting in the world. We draw from ongoing research into eco-influencers on Instagram, taking environmental memes characterized by binary oppositions of "before" and "after" as the study subject. This contrast establishes a temporal narrative and future prediction, involving a cause-and-effect relationship and a moral judgement of our actions. We argue that, in the case of the environmental meme, the myth-based approach helps in understanding its role in articulating the cosmic, social and personal orders as it brings human action into harmony with the cosmic order while projecting its images onto the human experience.

El presente artículo presenta un caso de incidencia en políticas públicas de un colectivo animalista (Identidad Animal, Manizales - Colombia) que, al mezclar estrategias micro y macropolíticas y agenciar un animalismo pragmático (integrando tácticas bienestaristas y abolicionistas), propone soluciones puntuales a problemas de maltrato y crueldad animal. Se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a integrantes del colectivo y revisiones documentales sobre legislación animal y producción de conocimiento, tanto de académicos como de los colectivos animalistas. Se concluye que cuando los colectivos sociales apelan al pragmatismo privilegiando resultados sobre narrativas lúcidas y encasillamientos militantes, logran desarrollar una lectura política del contexto que los hace tener un mayor impacto sobre los hechos de injusticia que quieren transformar. ; The present article presents a case of incidence in public policies, where an animalist collective (Animal Identity, in Manizales – Colombia), mixing micro and macropolitical strategies and arranging a pragmatic animalism (integrating welfare and abolitionists tactics), proposes specific solutions to problems of abuse and animal cruelty. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to members of the collective and documentary reviews about animal legislation and knowledge production both academics and animalist collectives. It is concluded that when social collectives appeal to pragmatism privileging results on lucid narratives and militant placements, they get to develop a political reading of the context that makes them have a greater impact on acts of injustice that want to transform.

The article analyzes judicial activism, based on a pretext that is to comment on Lambert's work, which will exercise a powerful influence in France in terms of judicial review of the law, and which allows some "lessons from a classic" to be drawn; in the contemporary perspective, in light of the old dogma of the "separation of powers" and the fundamental decisions about the rule of law and democracy. ; El artículo analiza el activismo judicial, a partir de un pretexto que es comentar la obra de Lambert, que ejercerá en Francia una poderosa influencia en materia de revisión judicial de la ley, y que permite extraer algunas "lecciones de un clásico";, situadas en la perspectiva contemporánea, a la luz del viejo dogma de la "separación de poderes" y de las decisiones fundamentales acerca del Estado de Derecho y la democracia.

El ensayo parte del análisis de la novela "Leviatán" de Paul Auster para reconstruir un contrapunto entre dos formas de concebir una práctica literaria crítica, políticamente comprometida, ligada a diferentes presupuestos acerca del autor, el lenguaje y el lector. A partir del análisis de esas concepciones, se formulan algunos interrogantes que permiten elucidar críticamente las implicaciones de cada posición. ; The essay starts with the analysis of the novel "Leviatán" by Paul Auster to reconstruct a counterpoint between two ways of conceiving a critical and politically committed literary practice, linked to different assumptions about the author, the language and the reader. From the analysis of these conceptions, some questions are formulated that allow to critically elucidate the implications of each position.

In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of political activism through an irruption of citizen movements – 5M or Occupy–, the birth of new political platforms –5 Stelle, Zyrisa, Podemos– and the rise of new direct action groups, such as Anonymous, Stop-Evictions Movements, cooperatives, to name just a few. In some countries this activism has not just placed substantial pressure on traditional actors of representative democracy and governments, but has also opened up opportunities for structural changes in the policymaking context and procedures (García Marzá, 2012).

This work examines the evolution of Latin American Civil Society Organizations' (CSOs) resistance practices in the context of datafication and how these relate with the overall notions of symbolic domination denounced by the Latin American School of Communication. Although CSOs in Latin America are still exploring the problems surrounding datafication, signs of vitality are already showing in broader debates around human rights, community development, and media policies. The study identifies the main themes underlying datafication work by Latin American CSOs and assesses how they shape resistance practices and CSOs' perceptions of asymmetrical power relations. While some patterns can fall into existing conceptualisations surrounding resistance practices and data activism, this paper identifies new conceptual and empirical approaches to face the challenges posed by a datafied society.

Because society is shaped through the stories we tell, women's testimonies are of foundational relevance when we reflect on social change, since their stories reinvent not only individual but also collective identity. As an examination from a life narrative perspective on how women view, enact, and reformulate their role in society, this paper centers on the testimony of Dr. Diana Maffía, whom –among other noteworthy womenwas instrumental in solidifying the work on gender and feminist perspective in Argentina since the early 1980s. This paper is an approach to Maffía's story, about her growing up during military dictatorship, her early years as a philosophy student at the University of Buenos Aires, her embrace of feminism, and the weaving of her two passions that resulted in the establishment of a permanent presence of the concept of gender within the very structure of Argentinean society. Maffía's narrative brings to light the work that unsung heroines do throughout their lives, evidencing that women have always been at the forefront of generating and sustaining change. ; Las sociedades se estructuran de acuerdo a las historias que se narran de ellas. Las historias de vida de las mujeres son fundamentales para toda sociedad desde el momento en que sus narrativas reflejan cambios y reinventan historias tanto personales como colectivas. Este manuscrito se centra en la historia de vida de la Dra. Diana Maffía, quien entre otras mujeres notables Argentinas ha hecho una labor constante y necesaria, solidificando el trabajo en el área de género y la perspectiva feminista desde comienzos de los años '80. Su testimonio ofrece una perspectiva desde donde entender cómo las mujeres ven, actúan y reformulan los roles de género. Se examina aquí su testimonio, experiencia vivida durante la última dictadura militar en Argentina, historia como estudiante de filosofía en la Universidad de Buenos Aires, interés en el feminismo, y capacidad para aunar dos pasiones que le permitieron hacer un trabajo constante y sostenido junto a otras feministas para instalar el concepto de género en su sociedad. El testimonio de la Dra. Maffía ilumina la labor que heroínas desconocidas han hecho y hacen a diario, dejando en claro que las mujeres han estado siempre a la vanguardia de la creación y el sostenimiento del cambio social. ; Sociedades são estruturadas de acordo com as histórias que são contadas sobre elas. As histórias de vida das mulheres são fundamentais para toda as comunidades, a partir do momento em que suas narrações refletem mudanças e reinventam histórias pessoais e coletivas. Este manuscrito enfoca a história de vida da Dra. Diana Maffia, que entre outras mulheres argentinas notáveis, realizou uma labor constante e necessária, solidificando o trabalho na área de gênero e perspectiva feminista desde o início dos anos 80. O testemunho oferece uma perspectiva a partir da qual entende-se como as mulheres vêem, atuam e reformulam os papéis de gênero. Neste artigo é examinado, particularmente, a experiência de Maffia durante a última ditadura militar na Argentina, sua história como estudante de filosofia na Universidade de Buenos Aires, seu interesse pelo feminismo e sua capacidade de combinar duas paixões que lhe permitiram fazer um trabalho constante e sustentado juntamente à outras feministas para instalar o conceito de gênero em sua sociedade. A narrativa da Dra. Maffia ilustra o trabalho que heroínas desconhecidas fizeram e fazem todos os dias, deixando claro que as mulheres sempre estiveram na vanguarda da criação e sustentação da mudança social.

La década pasada es, según algunos académicos, caracterizada por una onda hacia una nueva revolución industrial [1]. Principalmente gracias al hecho que la tecnología ha salido del dominio de la industria para quedar en las manos de la gente común. Los materiales están poco a poco comenzando a presentar el mismo tipo de comportamiento, dado que hoy en día mas y mas personas están experimentando con la creación de materiales de manera disruptiva. Este artículo presenta el concepto de Activismo Material como mecanismo para entender el fenómeno en crecimiento que esta permitiendo a los materiales democratizarse a través de una aproximación de base. ; The past decade it is considered by many scholars as the new industrial revolution wave [1], mainly by the fact that technology has jumped out of the industry into the hands of the people. Materials are also starting to perform the same behavior as more and more people are starting to deal with the creation of materials in a disruptive way. In this paper we present the concept of Material Activism as a way to understand the growing phenomena that is allowing materials to democratize through a bottom up approach. ; A década passada é, segundo alguns acadêmicos, caraterizada por uma onda até uma nova revolução industrial, devido ao fato que a tecnologia saiu do domínio da indústria para ficar nas mãos das pessoas comuns. Os materiais estão pouco a pouco começando a apresentar o mesmo tipo de comportamento, já que hoje mais e mais pessoas estão experimentando com a criação de materiais de modo disruptivo. Este artigo apresenta o conceito de Ativismo Material como mecanismo para entender o fenômeno em crescimento que está permitindo aos materiais democratizar-se através de uma aproximação de base.

The material effects of austerity in the UK have generated a resurgence of activist initiatives in the field of housing central to which is ACORN that has developed into a federated organisation contesting housing practices and policies at both local and national levels. ACORN is used to expand the examination of housing activism in Europe beyond the cases in Spain and Germany to the United Kingdom (Ordonez et al, 2015). This article also utilises the qualitative methodology of a comparative case study and the framework of ideological and social backgrounds, political repertoires and political logics to present and analyse ACORN. While ACORN displays striking similarities to other cases, it also represents a different trajectory in housing activism that combines direct action with an engagement with party politics as social democracy seeks to return to its roots.

The San Juan Estuary Bay is place of many contrasts. On one hand, is one of the most valuable ecosystems within Puerto Rico's Metropolitan Area. On the other, the urbanization of nature through the Island modernization process has resulted in historic water quality problems. Recently, the SJEBP identified 12 critical areas where there are serious water contamination problems due to sewage discharges. The challenge now consists in generating the public participation and environmental policy action framework to foster its restauration on the long run. In this article we reflect upon the possibilities of community-based water quality monitoring as an approach to cultivate a political consciousness and environmental activism about water relations in the city. Through the lenses of Political Ecology, Participatory Action Research and Popular Education we reflect upon some preliminary findings about a current research effort aimed at documenting the water conflicts and generate the social mobilization needed to contribute to SJEB restauration.

Este artículo pretende analizar el uso de las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC) como nuevas herramientas para la promoción de la agencia de las mujeres africanas en los procesos sociales del continente. A través de la teoría feminista, estudiaremos los procesos tecnológicos actuales y las características propias de las sociedades africanas en su relación con estos nuevos modelos de comunicación. En este sentido, nos centraremos, por un lado, en el análisis del papel que juega África en la globalización actual así como los procesos y usos de la red en el continente; y, por otro lado, estudiaremos que, pese a las limitaciones, las mujeres africanas han conseguido hacer suyas las herramientas promovidas por la propia globalización tecnológica para desarrollar su propia acción colectiva. Finalmente, haremos especial hincapié en el caso del Sáhara Occidental como modelo de activismo político digital de las mujeres en un contexto marcado por la clandestinidad. ; This article attempts to explore the use of Information Comunication Technology (ICT) as new tools to promote african women's agency in social process of the continent. Using the feminist approach, we will analize the current technological process and the specific characteristics of african societies in their relation with these new models of communication. In this way, we will examine, on the one hand, Africa's role in the current globalization as well as process and use of the Internet in the continent and, on the other hand, we will study that, despite the limits, african women have succeeded in taking the tools that was giving by the technologial globalization to develop their collective action. Finally, we will highlight in the case of Western Sahara as model of women's political digital activism in a clandestine context. ; Programa de Ayudas a la Formación del Personal Investigador para la realización de Tesis Doctorales de la Agencia Canaria de Investigación, Innovación y Sociedad de la Información cofinanciado por el Fondo Social Europeo. Universidad de La Laguna