Comparing Judicial Activism – Can We Say that the US Supreme Court is More Activist than the German Constitutional Court?
In: Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia (RPF), Special Issue on Democracy in Question, vol. 72 (4), 2016
In: Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia (RPF), Special Issue on Democracy in Question, vol. 72 (4), 2016
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L'objectif de cette contribution est d'offrir un retour critique de deux chercheurs en science politique engagés au cœur de deux expériences de démocratie délibérative organisée en Belgique en 2011-12. Nous étions tous deux investis dans la cellule méthodologique du G1000, composés de plusieurs universitaires belges néerlandophones et francophones. Cette cellule avait pour tâche de définir le design du projet dans son ensemble, de la sélection des participants à l'organisation des délibérations tout en assurant une recherche universitaire. L'un de nous était intégré à l'équipe d'organisation du G100. Après un retour rapide sur les deux expériences, nous souhaitons proposer un regard réflexif sur notre engagement en mettant en évidence plusieurs tensions dues à l'interaction entre différents types d'acteurs de la participation.
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L'objectif de cette contribution est d'offrir un retour critique de deux chercheurs en science politique engagés au cœur de deux expériences de démocratie délibérative organisée en Belgique en 2011-12. Nous étions tous deux investis dans la cellule méthodologique du G1000, composés de plusieurs universitaires belges néerlandophones et francophones. Cette cellule avait pour tâche de définir le design du projet dans son ensemble, de la sélection des participants à l'organisation des délibérations tout en assurant une recherche universitaire. L'un de nous était intégré à l'équipe d'organisation du G100. Après un retour rapide sur les deux expériences, nous souhaitons proposer un regard réflexif sur notre engagement en mettant en évidence plusieurs tensions dues à l'interaction entre différents types d'acteurs de la participation.
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In: Milder , S 2022 , ' Re-Interpreting West Germany's Ecological Revolution: Environmental Politics, Grassroots Activism, and Democracy in the Long 1970s ' , European history quarterly , vol. 52 , no. 3 , pp. 332-351 . https://doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103159 ; ISSN:0265-6914
In looking at the ways in which the relationship between environmental matters and the political developed and changed in West Germany during the long 1970s, this article re-interprets the 'ecological revolution' that occurred at that time and rethinks the trajectory of German environmentalism. To get at the politicization of environmental concerns in the 1970s, the article compares two narratives: the 'technocratic invention' of environmental politics by government officials, and the career of grassroots anti-nuclear activism. It shows that though these two trends developed in relationship with one another, their protagonists increasingly came to speak past one other. Not only did they begin to understand environmental problems in different ways, they also drew different conclusions about where environmental matters were to be debated, and what ought to be done in order to resolve environmental concerns. By describing these developments and the approaches to environmental politics they brought forth, the article reconceives the ecological revolution as an extended period when conflicting interpretations of environmental affairs underpinned competing approaches to politics as such. While government officials sought to make the environment part of standard political praxis, grassroots activists used environmental concerns as a wedge to push open a wider debate about popular participation within parliamentary democracy. The long confrontation between these two perspectives gave way, during the 1980s, to an environmentalism that was not only level-headed and consensual, but also a seminal concern of German politics.
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In: Democratization, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 289-310
ISSN: 1743-890X
This article examines the role of student activism in enhancing or weakening democratization in authoritarian contexts, focusing on the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It contends that while numerous studies indicate that student activism has been crucial in processes of regime change, insufficient attention has been paid to the circumstances under which it contributes to strengthening authoritarian rule. The case of Iran demonstrates that there are two different ways in which this occurs. First, much like many other civil society actors, student activism can be co-opted and at times willingly so because of a coincidence of material and/or ideological interests. Second, even when student activism genuinely pushes for democratization and becomes independent and autonomous from political power, the authoritarian constraints in place can contribute to marginalize it and defeat it. The Iranian case highlights the problems student activism faces when it attempts to disengage from the dominant structures of authoritarian politics, and in line with Jamal's findings, demonstrates how authoritarian structural constraints can undermine the democratic aspirations of well-organised groups. Adapted from the source document.
In: Organizations and activism
Combining cutting edge theories with empirical research, this timely book offers an in-depth analysis of current platform-based radical movements to show how digital technologies revolutionise political and economic organising. This is an invaluable contribution to the emerging literature on the relationship between technology and society.
In: Journal of World Trade 48, No. 6 (2014): 1189-1222
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In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Band 2018, Heft 2, S. 105-122
The studies of historical memory in South America were initially treated in the context of the struggle for human rights without paying attention to the gender issue. Nowadays, women groups, holders of the experience gained in the last few decades have entered this field, claiming their right to convey the past to the present from their own perspectives. Policies of memory applied in the region today seek a narrative that facilitates the encounter of different voices that coexist to reinterpret the past. The women's perspective in this domain allows for the differentiation of the types of violence against them in authoritarian regimes and internal armed conflicts. This paper examines some elements of analysis to understand the particularity of this perspective and highlights the specific dynamics and results thus generated theoretically and practically. The central argument considers that the various acts of violence against women in a time of repression and/or domestic war in South America are an extension of the discrimination and marginalization that they have historically and socially experienced; hence, the new practices of memory try to overcome these circumstances. To illustrate this situation better, it presents two emblematic "country cases" in South America: Argentina and Colombia.
This paper explores the effectiveness of social and political activism in achieving change compared with pursuing legal action through the courts, analysing campaigns to achieve Aboriginal land rights and the Mabo case.
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The Feminist Design Collective, which later became the feminist architecture practice and discussion group Matrix, was founded by a group of women architects in London in 1978. It aimed to develop a feminist approach to all aspects of architectural production and also to wider built environment issues. A significant number of founder members were living in squats or short-life housing in response to a housing crisis, which emerged in the late 1960s, and as political statement against housing inequality. By the mid-1970s London housed over 30,000 squatters, the majority in nineteenth century terraces owned by local authorities and earmarked either for demolition or rehabilitation, and which became vacant during prolonged planning and funding negotiations. In the 1980s squatting became regulated by a number of progressive Inner London Authorities as a way of mediating housing shortage and small grants were made available to organised groups of squatters for repairs. These large numbers of squatters were connected in what Vasudevan (2017) has termed 'a radical urban social movement'. This paper uses oral history testimony to reveal a link between squatting, which allowed women to directly engage with and shape the physical fabric of their housing, and the emergence of feminist architectural theories and practice in late twentieth century Britain.
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In: Matatu: Zeitschrift für afrikanische Kultur und Gesellschaft, Heft 23-24, S. 41-54
ISSN: 0932-9714
In: U.S. news & world report, Band 92, S. 60 : il(s), table(s)
ISSN: 0041-5537
In: Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights 6
In: Springer eBook Collection
Introduction – Transnational Law and Advocacy around Labour and Human Rights Litigation -- Part 1: The Ali Enterprises Factory Fire and its aftermath – Litigations, campaigning and transnational collaboration -- Loss and Legibility – A conversation with Saeeda Khatoon -- Legal Interventions and Transnational Alliances in the Ali Enterprises Case - Struggles for Workers' Rights in Global Supply Chains -- Paradoxes of Strategic Labour Rights Litigation: Insights from the Baldia Factory Fire Litigation -- After the Ali Enterprises fire: Occupational safety and health and workers' organising – A conversation with Zehra Khan about current and future struggles -- Pakistan's "Industrial 9/11" – Transnational rights-based activism in the garment industry and creating space for future global struggles -- The Land of Mourning – A conversation with Adeela Suleman -- Four against KiK – A conversation with Caspar Dohmen -- Part 2: Labour and Tort Law Aspects of Global Supply Chains -- The Rana Plaza collapse and the case for Enforceable Agreements with Apparel Brands -- Trade Union Approaches to Global Value Chains – The Indonesian Experience -- Transnational labour law? "Corporate social responsibility" and the Law -- Tort Law and Human Rights. – Part 3: Critical Perspectives on Law and Litigation -- Confined Employment: Exploring Labor Marginalization in Workplace Safety -- The KiK case: A critical perspective from the South -- From Strategic Litigation to Juridical Action -- Toward a Strategic Engagement with the Question of the Corporation: A Critique of Business and Human Rights. .
In: Review of Pacific Basin financial markets and policies: RPBFMP, Band 26, Heft 1
We build upon social movement and investor attention theories to investigate the effect of "taking a knee" protests on the abnormal stock returns of NFL sponsoring companies. The study is conducted in two phases. Employing event study methodology in the first phase, we measured the abnormal returns and trading volumes of the companies during a four-year period from 2016 to 2020. While the results for abnormal returns are economically small, we found that there is 13.42% increase in trading volume in [0,[Formula: see text]5], 61.28% in [0,[Formula: see text]15], and 160.01% in [0,[Formula: see text]30] event windows. There was also information leakage prior to the events as indicated by the 36.08 increase in trading volume in the [[Formula: see text]30, [Formula: see text]2] event window. We ran multiple regression models in the second phase to further examine the degree to which the unique circumstances surrounding the protests explain variations in abnormal returns. Companies that had higher brand values and the negative emotional tone of the comments made by the President of the United States about the protests were positively associated with abnormal returns. The results are also robust to methodological changes using abnormal returns adjusted for trading volume. Overall, the findings suggest that social activism by athletes is likely to affect investor attention and sentiment, thereby garnering a spillover effect on sponsoring companies' stock prices and trading volumes.
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 111-126
ISSN: 1541-0986
In 2006, President Bush publicly stated that, in relation to the same-sex marriage issue, "activist judges" were thwarting the preferred policy of the elected representatives and the expression of popular will embodied in popular initiatives and constitutional amendments. Notwithstanding the philosophical discussion of the constitutionally assigned role of courts in the political system and the idea of judicial independence, President Bush's statement raises an interesting empirical question: In the case of same-sex marriage, have state and federal courts really acted in direct opposition to the expressed policy preferences of current or recent legislative majorities or overturned popular initiatives and constitutional amendments? Using evidence from state and federal legislative and judicial action around same-sex marriage primarily from the fifteen years preceding President Bush's 2006 statement, I argue that, with some rare exceptions, judges can not easily be identified as "activist" on the issue of same-sex marriage even if we assess their actions according to President Bush's criteria.