Suchergebnisse

Ovim radom pružen je uvid u razvoj odnosa s javnošću kao profesije, gledano kroz 4 modela Gruniga i Hunta te su navedene i objašnjene tehnike koje se koriste u odnosima s javnošću. Objašnjen je i pojam aktivizma kao i njegovi najznačajniji teorijski aspekti, oblici i metode. U sklopu istraživanja korištene su dvije metode; analiza sadržaja i anketni upitnik. Analizom sadržaja obuhvaćeno je 129 aktivističkih organizacija na području Republike Hrvatske, a na anketni upitnik u potpunosti je odgovorilo 39 organizacija. Pokazalo se da većina hrvatskih aktivističkih organizacija prepoznaje važnost odnosa s javnošću, njima se bavi svakodnevno te koristi brojne tehnike meĎu kojima prednjači internet, posebice društvene mreže i web stranice. Od društvenih mreža daleko je najzastupljeniji Facebook, na kojemu profil ima 110 od 129 proučenih organizacija. MeĎutim, financijska ulaganja u odnose s javnošću kod većine su organizacija nepostojeća, a slijede ih organizacije koje ulažu izmeĎu 1 i 5% od svojih ukupnih financijskih sredstava. Rezultati ukazuju na to da postoji prostor za napredak odnosa s javnošću u aktivističkim organizacijama, što bi bilo korisno za profesiju odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj, kao i za aktivističke organizacije koje bi si većim ulaganjima mogle osigurati bolju komunikaciju s ključnim javnostima, a samim time i veću učinkovitost u postizanju svojih ciljeva. ; This thesis is aimed at showing the development of public relations as a profession, using Grunig's and Hunt's 4 models, as well as naming and explaining different techniques of public relations. Furthermore, it explains activism mentioning most important aspects of theory and identifying its various forms and mechanisms. Two methods were used for the purposes of the research; content analysis and survey questionnaire. Content analysis included 129 croatian activist organizations, while only 39 organizations completed the survey questionnaire. The results show that most Croatian activistic organizations recognize the importance of public ...

Cilj rada je razjasniti pojam transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti kao i razmotriti mogućnosti i preduvjete njezine realizacije u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu. Rad započinje opisom 'slike' prirode učenika koja se smatra potrebnom za praktičnu realizaciju ovog oblika kreativnosti. Pritom se naglašava činjenica ljudske nesvršenost i mogućnost kontinuiranoga razvoja. Kao metoda ostvarenja transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti preuzima se dijalog shvaćen kao otvoreno iskazivanje i dijeljenja vlastitih misli, ideja i težnji s drugim ljudima bez skrivanja i straha od mogućih neuspjeha ili neugodnih iskustava. Budući da se institucionalizirani odgojno-obrazovni proces odvija u učionicama, opisuje se učionica kao zajednički prostor nade koji omogućava demokratsko angažiranje i borbu za promjene situiran u kontekstu širih zajedničkih prostora demokratskoga i aktivističkoga djelovanja. Demokratizacija učionica omogućava postavljanje socijalnih pitanja, prelaženje granica te kritičko propitivanje dominantnoga neoliberalnog diskursa te je stoga neophodan element aktivistički shvaćene kreativnosti. Dijalog kao sredstvo, i dijaloški pristup kao metoda kreativnog djelovanja, usmjereni su poništavanju efekata prevladavajućega elitističkog shvaćanja koje kreativnost prikazuje izoliranu od društva i namijenjenu posebno imaginativnim pojedincima. U radu se iskazuje stav kako nije vjerojatno da će u skoroj budućnosti doći do promjene dominantnoga shvaćanja kreativnosti u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu koje kreativnost promatra kao transformaciju postojećega. Razloge za ovakvo stanje nalazimo u dominantnom ekonomsko-političkom uređenju društva u cjelini, te odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava kao jednoga od društvenih podsustava. ; The aim of this paper is to clarify the notion of a transcendental-activist creativity as well as to consider the possibilities and preconditions for its realization in the educational process. The paper begins with the description of the 'image' of pupil's nature that is considered necessary for the practical realization of this form of creativity. The experience of human non-completion and the possibility of continuous development is emphasized. Dialogue, as a method of practical realization of transcendental-activist creativity, is understood as an open expression and sharing of one's own thoughts, ideas and aspirations with other people without hiding and fear of possible failures or unpleasant experiences. Since the institutionalized educational process takes place in the classrooms, the classroom is described as a shared space of hope which enables democratic engagement and struggle for changes in the context of the wider shared spaces of democratic and activist action. Democratization of classrooms, which is a necessary element of transcendental-activist creativity, creates a climate that sets the necessary conditions for discussion of social issues, crossing of preconceived boundaries and critical questioning of dominant neoliberal discourse. Dialogue as a medium and a dialogic approach as a method of creative agency is directed to the reversal of the effects of a traditional elitist concept of creativity that is treated isolated from a wider society and addressed exclusively to particularly talented individuals. The author feels that it is unlikely that in the near future a change in the dominant conception of creativity in the educational process will occur and therefor creativity will continue to be predominately defined a transformation of the existing. Reasons for this state of affair are situated in the dominant economic and political mode of organization of the society as a whole, and the educational system as a one of social subsystems.

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

In a totalitarian society, the journalist profession could not grow; that is why politics still takes precedence in Croatian journalism. The mass media are controlled by politics, although journalists have remained sociopolitical activists. This has stunted the professional development of the journalistic profession, so that Croatian journalists cannot separate truth from fallacy; they equate (accurate) facts & (truthful) opinion & conceive of commentaries as the ultimate subjective journalistic form. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's definition of a citizen is based on B. Barber's book, Strong Democracy (1984). The ideal citizenship is closely linked to the concept of democracy. In liberal democracy ("thin democracy") civic apathy & apolity prevails, so it is necessary to aim at "strong democracy." Strong democracy is the one that has strong citizenry, ie, self-governed citizens who actively participate in politics. This does not mean that representative democracy is to be relinquished; it is to be revived through the mutual cooperation of citizens. The civic virtue would be represented by "civility" marked by "empathy, respect, & neighborhood." In the revival of bourgeois democracy, particular attention is being paid to the new means of communications. The weaknesses of Barber's concept are, according to the author, equating citizens with neighbors, overemphasizing civic activity, & putting too much confidence in the latest technology (tele-voting). The concept of neighborhood is civically too narrow; the activist mobilization may pose a danger while the political confidence in new technologies is dubious. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines a historical review of the Catholic Church's attitude toward democracy. The initial stance, as formulated by Pope Leo XIII at the end of the 19th century, was based on the equidistance of the Church from various political regimes, on the condition that they respect individual rights, family, & the Church. The term Christian democracy primarily denoted a drift within the ranks of the clergy, whose goal was helping people & proselytizing under the new circumstances. Further confluence between the Church & democracy occurred during the papacy of Pius XII, who emphasized the importance of the political involvement of a free & responsible individual in a democracy & who endorsed the concept of a people as opposed to anonymous masses. The complete acceptance of democracy by the Church occurred during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), when it gave its blessing to the involvement of Christian laity in the roles of religious & political activists. The latest convergence of the Church & democracy was embodied in the encyclical Centesimus annus, by John Paul II (1991), in which the demise of communism is attributed to the lack of democracy & in which democracy is singled out as the best form of government. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines a historical review of the Catholic Church's attitude toward democracy. The initial stance, as formulated by Pope Leo XIII at the end of the 19th century, was based on the equidistance of the Church from various political regimes, on the condition that they respect individual rights, family, & the Church. The term Christian democracy primarily denoted a drift within the ranks of the clergy, whose goal was helping people & proselytizing under the new circumstances. Further confluence between the Church & democracy occurred during the papacy of Pius XII, who emphasized the importance of the political involvement of a free & responsible individual in a democracy & who endorsed the concept of a people as opposed to anonymous masses. The complete acceptance of democracy by the Church occurred during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), when it gave its blessing to the involvement of Christian laity in the roles of religious & political activists. The latest convergence of the Church & democracy was embodied in the encyclical Centesimus annus, by John Paul II (1991), in which the demise of communism is attributed to the lack of democracy & in which democracy is singled out as the best form of government. Adapted from the source document.

In Macedonian culture and remembrance, the children evacuated from northern Greek villages in 1948 by communist activists during the Greek Civil War and sent to socialist states in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe are known as "child refugees from the Aegean part of Macedonia." Such narratives, as part of a contested past, play an important part in the national politics of memory, usually as a tool utilized in the master narratives, but are not theoretically analyzed any further and lack further epistemic and educational presence in the historical curriculum. Thus, I am interested in the position of these oral testimonies in the politics of memory and their potential to challenge the politics of memory. ; U makedonskoj kulturi i sjećanju, djeca koju su 1948. za vrijeme Grčkog građanskog rata komunisti evakuirali iz sela na sjeveru Grčke i poslali u socijalističke države na Balkanu i u Istočnoj Europi danas su poznata kao "djeca izbjeglice iz egejskog dijela Makedonije". Takvi narativi, kao dio sporne povijesti, igraju bitnu ulogu u nacionalnoj politici sjećanja, obično kao sredstvo koje se koristi za izgradnju metanarativa, ali ih se dalje od toga teoretski ne analizira niti oni drže epistemičko i edukacijsko mjesto u povijesnom kurikulumu. Stoga, zainteresirana sam za poziciju tih oralnih svjedočanstava u politici sjećanja i njihov potencijal da ospore politiku sjećanja.

Pojam "centralizacije" počeo se koristiti u Francuskoj krajem 18. stoljeća kada je nakon revolucije stvorena nova struktura vlade. Pojam "decentralizacije" u upotrebu je ušao početkom 19. stoljeća. Ideje slobode i decentralizacije provodili su tijekom 19. i 20. stoljeća protudrţavni politički aktivisti koji su sebe nazivali "anarhistima", "libertarijancima", pa čak i decentralistima. Tocqueville, jedan od zagovornika decentralizacije je istaknuo da decentralizacija ima ne samo administrativnu vrijednost već i graĎansku dimenziju, jer povećava mogućnosti za graĎane da se zainteresiraju za javne poslove. I od akumulacije tih lokalnih, aktivnih, pronicljivih sloboda, raĎa se najučinkovitija protuteţa središnjoj vladi, čak i ako bi bila podrţavana od neosobne, kolektivne volje. Veliki broj zemalja u razvoju i tranzicijskih zemalja započeo je neki oblik programa decentralizacije. Taj je trend povezan sa sve većim zanimanjem za ulogu civilnog društva i privatnog sektora kao partnera vladama u traţenju novih načina pruţanja usluga. Decentralizacija upravljanja i jačanje kapaciteta lokalne uprave dijelom je i funkcija širih društvenih trendova, što uključuje, na primjer, općenito rastuće nepovjerenje u vladu, propast nekih od najcentraliziranijih reţima na svijetu (npr. Sovjetskog Saveza) i novonastale separatističke zahtjeve koji se rutinski pojavljuju u pojedinim dijelovima svijeta. Pokret prema lokalnoj odgovornosti i većoj kontroli nad nečijom sudbinom nije, meĎutim, rezultat samo negativnog stava prema središnjoj vladi. Umjesto toga, ovaj razvoj dogaĎaja uglavnom je potaknut snaţnom ţeljom za većim sudjelovanjem graĎana i organizacije privatnog sektora u funkciji upravljanja. ; The term "centralization" began to be used in France in the late 18th century when, after the revolution, a new government structure was created. The term "decentralization" came into use in the early 19th century. The ideas of freedom and decentralization were implemented during the 19th and 20th centuries by anti-state political activists ...

Cilj je rada proučiti na koji je način pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji utjecalo na LGBT pokret. Budući da zemlje Srednje i Istočne Europe, nakon raspada komunizma i tijekom procesa europeizacije, dijele slične karakteristike po pitanju razvoja LGBT pokreta, ovaj rad analizira dvije hipoteze oblikovane kroz studiju slučaja Poljske: (1) proces europskih integracija zemalja u postsocijalističkoj Europi unaprjeđuje formalni zakonski status LGBT osoba i podiže vidljivost LGBT aktivističkih mreža i (2) nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji jačaju dotad potisnuti konzervativni pokreti protiv LGBT zajednice. Rad prati razvoj LGBT pokreta kroz tri vremenske faze. Prva faza obuhvaća period od osamostaljenja Hrvatske, pa sve do 2000. godine kad u Hrvatskoj počinje proces europeizacije. Druga faza obuhvaća period od početka procesa europeizacije do pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, a treća se faza odnosi na period nakon ulaska zemlje u EU. Unutar svake faze proučavaju se sastavnice modela političkog procesa, struktura političkih prilika, aktivističke mreže i diskurzivno uokviravanje tema važnih za LGBT pokret. Analizom je utvrđeno da je tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji u Hrvatskoj unaprijeđen pravni položaj homoseksualnih osoba te je pojačana njihova vidljivost u društvu. To se očituje u osnivanju civilnih udruga, organiziranju povorki ponosa, donošenju Zakona o istospolnim zajednicama i uvođenju antidiskriminacijskih normi u zakonodavstvo. Diskurzivnom analizom 328 članaka došlo se do rezultata da je u devedesetima na snazi razdoblje šutnje o homoseksualnosti. U periodu europeizacije i onom nakon pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, diskurzivne se ideje kreću unutar triju okvira: društvene prihvaćenosti, europeizacije i pitanja drugog reda. Iako je period nakon ulaska Hrvatske u EU nedovoljno dug da bi se sa sigurnošću potvrdila druga hipoteza, referendum o ustavnoj definiciji braka i lobiranje protiv izglasavanja Zakona o životnom partnerstvu osoba istog spola dobri su pokazatelji da se konzervativni pokret protiv LGBT zajednice u Hrvatskoj konsolidirao. ; This paper examines how Croatia's path towards joining the European Union affected the LGBT movement. Due to Central and Eastern European countries sharing similar characteristics regarding the development of the LGBT movement after the abandonment of communism and during the Europeanization process, this paper follows two hypotheses formed through a case study of Poland: (1) the process of European integration in post-socialist Europe promotes the formal legal status of LGBT people and improves the visibility of the LGBT activist network (2) since the country's accession to the EU the formerly repressed conservative movements against the LGBT community have become stronger. The paper examines the development of the LGBT movement over three time periods. The first period covers the time between Croatia gaining independence and starting its Europeanization process in 2000; the second period lies between the start of the Europeanization process and Croatia's accession to the EU; the third phase covers the time after the accession. For every phase the following parts of the political process model are examined: the political opportunity structure, the activist network and the discursive framing of topics important for the LGBT movement. Analysis confirms that the implementation of the requirements for becoming a member country improved the legal status of LGBT people and increased their visibility during that time. This manifested primarily as the founding of various associations, organizing pride parades, passing the Same-Sex Union Act and introducing sexual orientation anti-discrimination norms. A discourse analysis of 328 articles unveiled the 90's silence on homosexuality and revealed that in the next two phases discursive ideas have been present in three key areas: social acceptance, Europeanization and the "less important question". Even though the period after Croatia's accession is not long enough to definitively confirm the second hypothesis, the referendum on the constitutional definition of marriage and the lobbying for rejecting the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act are good indicators that the conservative movement against the LGBT community in Croatia consolidated its position.

Na temelju uvida u arhivske dokumente, novine i literaturu u članku se razmatra kako je partijski 'brionski plenum' iz 1966. koji se bavio zloupotrebama u radu Službe državne sigurnosti primljen u hrvatskoj političkoj javnosti tog doba. ; The article presents a public echo of the 1966 party conference which dealt with the misuses of the State Security Services (SDS). The issue is described in four parts: the Brijuni Plenary as a subject of investigation in domestic and foreign literature; chronology of events; discussions in political organizations and newspapers; the dossiers - police documentation on citizens. In the literature, the political fall of Aleksandar Ranković, the founder and for a long time leading figure of that agency, is considered as a political struggle for power or the outcome of the confrontation between "reformist" and "conservative" stream in the Union of the SKJ. The chronology deals with the time between the "Plenary", July 1 - 2, 1966 and the adoption by the Federal Parliament of Yugoslavia of the new law of internal affairs by the end of the same year. In December of that year Josip Broz Tito issued a clemency to S. Ranković and fifteen other highest officials of that agency. The discussion in the political organizations and newspapers showed that political activists, and "simple" people as well, think that the responsibility for the misuses lie not only on individuals but on the way the organization was structured and on the unlimited power it had. The party leadership tried to subdue those criticisms, because they did not want to be left without the most valuable partner in the system of power. The public was also made aware of a great number of private dossiers - the police documentation on citizens which came into existence in the preceding twenty years. The most diligent was the SDS in Croatia, which amassed one million tree hundred thousand such dossiers.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

The first part of the article deals with the renewal of old and establishement of new associations in Šibenik and its district during the period betwen the two world wars. The associations are astablished by the pro-government elements of the society in order to be able to realize the goals of the state policy as defined by the »Vidovdan« Constitution. The opposition parties of the burgeois society established their own associations intended to reach the goals set by the programe of their political or cultural activities. The oppositional forces and particularly the HSS (Croatian Peasants' Party) developed a great activity in the founding of new associations after 1935. The activity of various associations was forbidden by the dictatorial government of January 6th, 1929, while others were required to engage themselves more intensively in the realization of the unitarian-centralistic conception of state The »Jugoslavenski Sokol«, »Jadranska Straža«, etc.) The second part of the article contains various data referring to associations ordered in the following way; (a) Yugoslav, (b) Croatian, (c) Serbian, (d) Religious, (e) the remaining ones (trade unions, cultural, humanitarian, and sports association. Then follows a general survey of the activity of each of the associations, a description of their activities and the occasions on which they took place. Numerous associations developed their most important annual activity in connection with the celebration of same national, religious and similar holidays. The activities of some associations is illustrated by interesting data (»Kolo«, the Yugoslav workers' Sports Club »Šibenik«, branch organizations of the »Seljačka Sloga«). Some documents and observations are presented in the third part of the article, showing that some of the associations were influenced by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. This applies to »Vodička Glazba«, to the »Seljačka Sloga« branch organization at Zaton, the JRSD »Šibenik«, the Jugoslavenski Akademski Klub, as well as to the academic clubs »Matija Gubec«, and »Stjepan Radić«. Taking into account the fact that a maximum number of activists and combatants in the People's Liberation War came from the Šibenik region, the author concludes that the above mentioned associations and similar organizations, particularly on the Adriatic islands, were real hotbeds of ideas and viewpoints of the Communist Parties of Yugoslavia and of Croatia.

Pojam "centralizacije" počeo se koristiti u Francuskoj krajem 18. stoljeća kada je nakon revolucije stvorena nova struktura vlade. Pojam "decentralizacije" u upotrebu je ušao početkom 19. stoljeća. Ideje slobode i decentralizacije provodili su tijekom 19. i 20. stoljeća protudrţavni politički aktivisti koji su sebe nazivali "anarhistima", "libertarijancima", pa čak i decentralistima. Tocqueville, jedan od zagovornika decentralizacije je istaknuo da decentralizacija ima ne samo administrativnu vrijednost već i graĎansku dimenziju, jer povećava mogućnosti za graĎane da se zainteresiraju za javne poslove. I od akumulacije tih lokalnih, aktivnih, pronicljivih sloboda, raĎa se najučinkovitija protuteţa središnjoj vladi, čak i ako bi bila podrţavana od neosobne, kolektivne volje. Veliki broj zemalja u razvoju i tranzicijskih zemalja započeo je neki oblik programa decentralizacije. Taj je trend povezan sa sve većim zanimanjem za ulogu civilnog društva i privatnog sektora kao partnera vladama u traţenju novih načina pruţanja usluga. Decentralizacija upravljanja i jačanje kapaciteta lokalne uprave dijelom je i funkcija širih društvenih trendova, što uključuje, na primjer, općenito rastuće nepovjerenje u vladu, propast nekih od najcentraliziranijih reţima na svijetu (npr. Sovjetskog Saveza) i novonastale separatističke zahtjeve koji se rutinski pojavljuju u pojedinim dijelovima svijeta. Pokret prema lokalnoj odgovornosti i većoj kontroli nad nečijom sudbinom nije, meĎutim, rezultat samo negativnog stava prema središnjoj vladi. Umjesto toga, ovaj razvoj dogaĎaja uglavnom je potaknut snaţnom ţeljom za većim sudjelovanjem graĎana i organizacije privatnog sektora u funkciji upravljanja. ; The term "centralization" began to be used in France in the late 18th century when, after the revolution, a new government structure was created. The term "decentralization" came into use in the early 19th century. The ideas of freedom and decentralization were implemented during the 19th and 20th centuries by anti-state political activists who called themselves "anarchists," "libertarians," and even decentralizers. Tocqueville, one of the proponents of decentralization, pointed out that decentralization has not only an administrative value but also a civic dimension, as it increases opportunities for citizens to take interest in public affairs. And from the accumulation of these local, active, insightful freedoms, the most effective counterbalance to central government is born, even if it were supported by an impersonal, collective will. A large number of developing and transition countries have embarked on some form of decentralization program. This trend is linked to the growing interest in the role of civil society and the private sector as partners to governments in seeking new ways of providing services. Decentralization of governance and strengthening the capacity of local government is partly a function of broader social trends, which include, for example, growing distrust of government, the collapse of some of the world's most centralized regimes (eg the Soviet Union) and emerging separatist demands that routinely emerge in some parts of the world. The movement towards local responsibility and greater control over one's destiny is not, however, the result of only a negative attitude towards the central government. Instead, this development is largely driven by a strong desire for greater citizen participation and private sector organization in the governance function.