Suchergebnisse

The article makes an attempt to compare handwritten texts of local correspondence received by the newspaper "Bezbozhnik" in the 1920s–1930s, and citizens' letters published in the newspaper. I consider «a letter to the editorial office of the newspaper "Bezbozhnik'» as the situation of social interaction "here and now" and discuss the roles of the participants, editors and correspondents, in this situation. As a research method, I use the language analysis of texts, its form and content. I review two cases: the implicit editors' struggle against anti-Semitism in the newspaper and five unpublished letters from Odessa demanding the closure of synagogues. The chosen approach allows me to make some observations about the social and cultural attitudes of Jews in the USSR in the 1920s–1930s: their relation to a cultural and family memory, social responsibility, power and time. These attitudes, expressed in the letters language, I guess, had consequences in the further social and, in particular, anti-religious processes in the USSR.

На примере биографии С. Н. Стрижова показаны ценностные ориентации и поведенческие практики эсеровских лидеров Екатеринбурга в период революций и Гражданской войны. Рассматривается эволюция взглядов С. Н. Стрижова на развитие промышленности края, его выступления в прессе и на съездах золотопромышленников, политическая деятельность в городах Урала. Сделана попытка выявить причины перехода Стрижова к революционной работе. Дана оценка его взглядам по вопросу об автономии Урала. В статье представлены неизвестные ранее биографические сведения. ; The article presents the value orientations and behavioral practices of the Social Revolutionary leaders of Yekaterinburg during the revolutions and the Civil War using the biography of S. N. Strizhov. The evolution of his views on the development of the industry of the region, appearances in the press and at the congresses of gold miners, political activity in the cities of the Urals is considered. An attempt is made to identify the reasons for Strizhov's transition to revolutionary work. An assessment of his views on the autonomy of the Urals is given. The article reveals previously unknown biographical information.

Рассматривается такой вопрос теории государства и права, как элитарный характер государственной доктрины. Раскрывается понятие «правящий отбор» в идеократической концепции государства в историко-юридическом учении евразийства. Анализируются ключевые признаки ведущего слоя как неизбежно присущего любому государству формирования, а также его функциональное предназначение в идеократическом государстве. Проводится разграничение между понятием «правящего отбора» и государственного актива. Освещаются три основных способа формирования «правящего отбора»: аристократический, демократический и идеократический. Дается их критическая оценка с точки зрения актуальности в современных условиях развития демократических государств. Оценивается возможность существования государственного актива как части «правящего отбора», участвующего в административно-управленческой деятельности, на надклассовом, надпартийном и надгосударственном уровнях. Устанавливается необходимость духовного единения — единства культуры и «миросозерцания» «правящего отбора». Анализируется возможность правового регулирования деятельности ведущего слоя и государственного актива с точки зрения евразийского подхода к пониманию права. DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)3-05 ; The article discusses a question of the theory of state and law such as elitist character of the state doctrine. The disclosure is made of the concept "the ruling selection" in the ideocratic theory of state in the historical and juridical doctrine of eurasianism. The analysis is made of the key signs of the leading group as inevitably inherent to any state formation and its functional purpose in the ideocratic state. The distinction is carried out of the concepts of the ruling group and state activists. The description is given to three main ways of the formation of the ruling group: aristocratic, democratic and ideocratic. The authors critically analyze them in terms of relevance in modern conditions of development of the democratic states. A special emphasis is given to the possibility of existence of state activists as a part of the ruling group which is involved in management and administration at supra-class, above party and supra-national levels. The need of spiritual unity — the unity of culture and worldview of the ruling selection — is set and discussed. The article considers the possibility of legal regulation of activity of the leading group and state activists in terms of eurasian approach of understanding of legal acts. DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)3-05

The article finds out the main directions of activity of the All-Russia social movement People's Front For Russia (All-Russia People's Front) in implementing principles of civil society on a regional level. The main research objectives are as follows: finding out the main activities of the All-Russian People's Front in Russia and the Republic of Udmurt; defining the main ways of activists' identification with civil society. The specific of Russian civil society is the enhanced state control of the 'third sector. As a result, there emerge organizations, which identify themselves as the mediator between the state and civil society. Despite the close linkage with the state, they accumulate civic activity and exercise public control. Among these organizations is the All-Russian People's Front. It was founded in 2011 on the initiative of Vladimir Putin. As methods of empirical analysis, the authors exploited the content analysis of websites, social network VKontakte, and semi-structured interviews with leaders and activists of the movement. The main activities of the Udmurt regional branch include addressing the following problems: housing and public utilities; constructions; improvement of territories; educational and environmental projects; youth policy, etc. Active social position, the attractiveness of the movement's goals in solving the problems of regional development determine the activists' motivation of being involved in the cause. They indicated the realization of principles of civil society in the framework of All-Russian People's Front activities such as the development of civic activeness, public control, volunteering, and improving social trust. By consolidating political and public resources, the movement integrates civil society into a vertical of authority. By Representing and protecting public interests, this cause becomes an effective mediator between the state and civil society. ; В настоящей статье авторы стремятся выявить роль Общероссийского общественного движения «Народный фронт «За Россию» в реализации принципов гражданского общества на региональном уровне. Основными исследовательскими задачами настоящей статьи являются показ основных направлений деятельности Общероссийского общественного движения «Народный фронт «За Россию» в Удмуртской Республике; определение форм идентификации активистов общественного движения с гражданским обществом. Особенностью российского гражданского общества является повышенный контроль государства над организациями «третьего сектора», вследствие чего формируются организации, занимающие промежуточное положение между гражданским обществом и государством, которые, несмотря на тесную связь с государством, аккумулируют общественную активность и осуществляют гражданский контроль. Одной из таких организаций является Общероссийский народный фронт, созданный в 2011 году по инициативе В. В. Путина. В качестве методов эмпирического анализа были использованы контент-анализ, анализ данных социальной сети «ВКонтакте», полуформализованные интервью с лидерами и активистами движения. Для Удмуртской Республики актуальны проблемы ЖКХ, строительства, благоустройства, образования, молодежной политики, а также экологические проблемы. В качестве основной мотивации участия в общественном движении активисты выделяли, прежде всего, соответствие сферы деятельности ОНФ жизненным и социальным приоритетам участников; активную жизненную позицию; привлекательность деятельности Общероссийского народного фронта в решении конкретных дел, связанных с задачами регионального развития. Информанты отмечают частичную реализацию данных принципов в деятельности Общероссийского народного фронта, а именно: развитиегражданской активности, налаживание диалога граждан и власти, осуществление общественного контроля, развитие добровольчества и социального доверия. Консолидируя политические и гражданские ресурсы, Общероссийский народный фронт встраивает гражданское общество в вертикаль власти, что позволяет ему быть эффективным посредником между государством и гражданским обществом, способствовать реализации гражданским обществом своих интересов.

In the article E.G. Etkind's prose is discussed from the point of view of its place and role in the dissident movement in the Soviet Russia. The particular attention is paid of Etkind's ideological differences with the political regime and of the Jewish theme which was very important to his selfconsciousness. The article shows how Etkind's position defined the angle of the narrative in his prose, and especially his view of the events. ; In the article E.G. Etkind's prose is discussed from the point of view of its place and role in the dissident movement in the Soviet Russia. The particular attention is paid of Etkind's ideological differences with the political regime and of the Jewish theme which was very important to his selfconsciousness. The article shows how Etkind's position defined the angle of the narrative in his prose, and especially his view of the events.

The analysis performed shows that there was far more than just one type of socio-political reaction to Verdi's operas in the 1840s (the decade before series of revolutions in Europe, including Italy), and that these operas could be used to construct different collective ideological narratives that could have brought people together for different purposes. Moreover, though the close connection between nineteenth-century Italian opera and Risorgimento nationalism has been taken for granted by many generations of scholars, a careful study of historical evidence of political manifestations during operatic performances clearly demonstrates the limitations of this "natural" view. Instead, I advance a new interactionist hypothesis of interpretive activism and interpretive activists. These activists were the minority in opera's audience that, nevertheless, utilised different resources and techniques to rally the whole audience of a theatrical operatic performance (or at least the large part of it) around a political ideology that was profitable for these activists. It could be Risorgimento republican nationalism in favour of a future Italian unified nation. But it also could be support of pope Pius IX as a possible future leader of the country or even sympathy for the Austrians. Documentary evidence shows that a number of times Verdi's operas were replaced with patriotic popular songs and hymns that were obviously considered "more patriotic" and "more popular" than Verdi's art. The best way to explain the various ways in which Verdi's operas were used as an ideological tool in the Risorgimento era, is to consider opera as an audio-visual "space" that serves as a background for activities that are usually perceived as distracting or disturbing (political demonstrations, public speeches, revolutionary gatherings etc.). That interpretive activists could use the structural (modular structure) and acoustic (enormous orchestral sound range) possibilities and resources of opera to construct an ideological "story", largely ...

A distinct characteristic of the judicial activity of integration courts is that it is aimed not only at resolving legal conflicts, but also at interpreting the law in order to fill the existing gaps. Filling legal gaps may be described as a key function of an integration court. This special characteristic leads to the phenomenon of judicial activism. The study of the case law of integration courts reveals the possibility to formulate activist legal findings using different methods of interpretation. The possibility to use the teleological method of interpretation, which is the most suitable in order to eliminate legal gaps, stems directly from the provisions of the Vienna convention on the law of international treaties. The analysis of the acts of the Court of Justice of the European Union allows to establish a strong correlation between activist approaches and the use of the teleological method of interpretation. However teleological interpretation does not necessarily mean the choice of the most progressive available options. Often the activism manifests itself in the search of a balance between the interests of the integration organization and its Member States. The Court of the Eurasian Economic Union develops activist approaches by using both traditional methods of interpretation and teleological interpretation as well as having recourse to constitutional traditions of the Member States.

The article is devoted to exploring the process of political socialization of the Russian schoolchildren, within the framework of which his civic competence is formed. Civic competence includes such components as socio-political knowledge, social activity, willingness to take responsibility and patriotism. In the empirical part of this work, a cluster analysis was carried out on the data obtained during face-to-face survey (N=2610). Schoolchildren were divided into 3 clusters: "pessimistic excellent students", "paternalistic good students" and "activist poor students". More detailed characteristics of the clusters were identified on data obtained during interviews with survey participants (N=256). The analysis showed there are no single approach to raising the level of civic competence of pupils. "Pessimistic excellent students" need educational technologies that would increase the involvement of these children in events of social significance. "Paternalistic good students" need to increase their level of responsibility, and "activist poor students" need to systematize basic knowledge about the socio-political reality of Russia.

The research is based on the materials of memoirs about Chernyshevskii and Pisarev. The 'common places' of the memoirs, in which the similarity of the two activists is revealed, are compared. Purpose: to investigate the influence of public reputation on the formation of the memoir image of Chernyshevskii and Pisarev. Aims: to identify the specifics of the formation of the memoir corpus of famous public and literary activists; to justify the presence of an out-of-text model as a source of commonality of the image angle. Other documentary sources were also involved to identify the reasons for the coincidence and discrepancy of the facts. Contradictions were established in both cases. Results and conclusions: it is possible to assume, that in the public consciousness of a certain circle there existed a model for creating the image of an outstanding public activist of the revolutionary movement. Both Chernyshevskii and Pisarev not just matched to this model, — their images were originally put in its ground. The formation of the image model was based on two sources: poetic images of Nekrasov's poems dedicated to Belinskii, Dobrolyubov, Pisarev and Chernyshevskii; relying on the genre of the eulogies at public funerals of the 1860s–1870s and later, that replaced the expression of public protest. The commonality of themes — selfless service to social ideals; genius, sacrificed for the sake of people; early demise from the oppression of the authorities, — brings both sources together. In the memoir image, according to the general model, essentially individual features are combined, emphasizing the generalized properties of an extraordinary personality. The outstanding abilities of both underline a single 'profile' in a special way: the highest intellectual talents, laid on the chancel of struggle. The motive of unrecognition, the contradiction between the expected — true — and the real appearance of a person, demonstrates a great advantage of the fortitude and thought over ordinary human nature.

A brief analysis of the concept of civil society as such, as an example of one of the most developed European countries of Norway considers the effects generated by the freedom and political activists in the civil society of Norway, in particular terrorist attack by Anders Behring Breivik, carried ratio of the civil society of Norway and Ukraine, on the basis of what makes a brief conclusions on possible measures to address the problem in the Ukrainian society.

В статье представлены результаты теоретического исследования современных форм гражданского участия, реализация которых протекает в рамках цифрового пространства. Автором даётся терминологическое пояснение связываемому с данным феноменом целому спектру понятий, существующих в научной мысли, с целью выделить наиболее релевантные определения для обсуждения активистских практик в цифровой сетевой инфраструктуре. Особое внимание уделяется анализу потенциала гражданских приложений с точки зрения построения гражданского технологического сообщества. Автор приходит к выводу, что именно формирование сетевых структур IT-разработчиков гражданских приложений и их включённость в сети гражданских активистов могут выступать ключевыми факторами готовности сетевого окружения к общественно-политическим трансформациям. ; The article presents the results of a theoretical study of modern forms of civic participation, the implementation of which takes place within the digital space. The author gives a terminological explanation of the concepts that various researchers prefer to use with respect to this phenomenon, in order to highlight the most relevant definitions for discussing activist practices in the digital network infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the potential of civil applications in terms of building a civil technological community. The author comes to the conclusion that the formation of network structures of civil application developers and their involvement in the network of civil activists are significant factors in the readiness of the network environment for social and political transformations.

Along with traditional methods of providing information through mass media (periodicals, television and radio), digital sources are also widely used in the modern world, which, although not officially registered mass media, play no less a role in shaping public opinion. The emergence of personal blogs, «live magazines», Internet sites and social networks opened a new platform and provided new opportunities. There are actors of various sizes, from presidents of major States to Housewives, from businessmen to human rights activists. Foreign policy is one of the most popular topics.

The ability of human rights activists to perform their work independently without any retaliation and with strong support from officials on all kevels is a definitive hallmark of any healthy society. They help the government to become aware of the problems and thus provide changes in the mindset of the society so that torture or cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment never happen in the future. This article was prepared by the Institute for Democracy (Moldova). This article is funded by the European Union (European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights). Opinions expressed in the article do not necessarily represent those of the European Union.

The paper presents data of sociological surveys on political participation of citizens and political actors in contemporary Russia on the Internet. The data were obtained by interviewing experts in 4 subjects of the Russian Federation (Yaroslavl, Vologda, Ulyanovsk and Novosibirsk region) and the mass survey of Internet users in 15 regions of the Russian Federation, actively participating in political campaigns on the Internet. This gave a possibility to obtain both quantitative and qualitative assessments of political participation on the Internet.The author characterizes the main objects of political activity on the Internet. The study highlighted areas of political participation, most effectively realized by using the Internet. The paper analyzes the activity of the political opposition on the Internet.It is stated that the Internet users can be divided into two unequal groups: activists and consumers of information. The author points out a high proportion of professionals among activists in the Internet. The biggest proportion of customers are young people. ; Приводятся данные социологических исследований политического участия граждан и субъектов политики в современной России в сети «Интернет». Данные получены посредством опроса экспертов 4 субъектов Российской Федерации (Ярославская, Вологодская, Ульяновская и Новосибирская области) и массовый Интернет опрос пользователей из 15 субъектов Российской Федерации, активно участвующих в политических кампаниях в Интернете. Это позволило получить как количественные, так и качественные оценки политического участия граждан в сети «Интернет».Выделяются основные причины политического участия в сети «Интернет». Автором характеризуются основные объекты политической активности в Интернете. Выявляются направления политического участия, наиболее эффективно реализующиеся с помощью Интернета. Анализируется активность в Интернете политической оппозиции.Указывается, что аудиторию интернета можно разделить на две неравные группы: активисты и потребители информации. Отмечается значительная доля профессионалов в сфере Интернет среди активистов глобальной сети. Среди потребителей наиболее велика доля молодежи.

The present volume aims at exploring the overall patterns of linguistic regionalism throughout Eastern Europe, casting also a comparative glance beyond this specific cultural setting into neighboring Western European regions. A wide array of aspects related to regional language designs are addressed, such as: linguistic rights, conflicting conceptualisations of linguistic regionalism, the role of the internet in identity modelling, the role of linguistics in language planning and research, etc. The volume is also designed to approach linguistic regionalism on a general theoretical level giving a critical assessment of Aleksandr Dulichenko's microlanguage paradigm. Case studies of individual projects as well as reports by regional language activist will provide the reader with glimpses of how regional language designs are set up and elaborated.