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Semantically, "activist" and "activism" are convenient descriptors for participants in social movements and are commonly used by social movement scholars. This study demonstrates, however, that these labels obscure the complex decisions participants make in negotiating their involvement. Few researchers examine the importance of deconstructing traditional assumptions of activist identities and the nuances in activist negotiation and identification. Using qualitative research methods, this paper explores whether social movement participants engage in complex identity negotiations wherein they interactionally situate and critically assess their involvement. This research draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 58 social movement participants from two local-level, contemporary social movements: The Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Movements. Respondents provided complex narratives about their activist and non-activist identities, which became apparent through analyzing the interviews using thematic coding. The findings show that respondents do negotiate their identities along a spectrum from activist to non-activist through interaction with other participants and critical assessment of their own involvement. These findings also reveal that the process of differential activist identification has short- and long-term implications for participant involvement and collective identity where disagreements over the activist label can fracture the organization and sustainability of a movement. By assessing the ways movement participants identify with activism and how they use their identification through interaction to promote or deconstruct group solidarity, we can begin to explore the consequences of this type of identity politics for contemporary social movements.

I wore a hat of that of a wife of 15 years (husband passed 9-7-2021), mother, education advocate, writer, activist, doavist, writervist, parent educator, and an agitator opposing legislated education malpractice and curriculum discrimination within our inner cities. My goal is to use my power of the spoken word to empower, educate, engage, bridge the gaps, infuse, and inspire others where they are to where I know you should be. I am the mom of three beautiful, talented, educated children who are the reason why I FIGHT OUT LOUD and HARD to eradicate education malpractice. I am a 2005 graduate of EIU (Family and Consumer Science) B.A., and a 2010 graduate of Lindenwood University where I majored in Education M.A.Ed. My professional mentors are Mary McCleod Bethune, Marva Collins, and Mamie Till Mobley.

I wore a hat of that of a wife of 15 years (husband passed 9-7-2021), mother, education advocate, writer, activist, doavist, writervist, parent educator, and an agitator opposing legislated education malpractice and curriculum discrimination within our inner cities. My goal is to use my power of the spoken word to empower, educate, engage, bridge the gaps, infuse, and inspire others where they are to where I know you should be. I am the mom of three beautiful, talented, educated children who are the reason why I FIGHT OUT LOUD and HARD to eradicate education malpractice. I am a 2005 graduate of EIU (Family and Consumer Science) B.A., and a 2010 graduate of Lindenwood University where I majored in Education M.A.Ed. My professional mentors are Mary McCleod Bethune, Marva Collins, and Mamie Till Mobley.

Shareholder participation in corporate governance and investor activism are topics du jour in the United States and around the world. In the early part of the 20th century, Professors Berle and Means considered that shareholder participation was impossible in the transformed commercial world that they described in The Modern Corporation and Private Property. This was a world characterized by dispersed and vulnerable shareholders, in which owners do not manage, and managers do not own, the corporation. In such an environment, the goal of corporate law became one of protecting shareholder interests rather than providing shareholders with participation rights. The structure of capital markets and profile of shareholders in the United States today is dramatically different from that time. The rise of institutional investors challenged the idea that the only possible paradigm in corporate law is one of shareholder protection. Shareholder participation in corporate governance is not only feasible but a contemporary reality. As this Article demonstrates, however, there are competing narratives about shareholders and their right to participate in corporate governance around the world. Although a negative view underpins much recent debate in the United States, a diametrically opposite view of shareholder power and activism has gained traction in many jurisdictions outside the United States. This Article focuses on one manifestation of this positive view of shareholders, namely shareholder stewardship codes, which originated in the United Kingdom following the 2007–2008 global financial crisis and are now proliferating throughout the world. These competing narratives concerning the role of shareholders in corporate governance have significant regulatory implications. In particular, the narratives pose challenges to regulators, who attempt to differentiate between "good activists" and "bad activists."

There is a gap between being an architecture student in western countries and working as an architect in underrepresented communities. Architect Teddy Cruz defines the role of an activist architect as "expanded mode of practice", and the task of "deigning the protocols or the interfaces between communities and spaces". This thesis contends that architecture schools need to continue to embrace the widely-accepted norm of studios studying abroad and working in an international studio. Current study abroad programs tend to skew towards being touristic field trips and there is not a curriculum or programmatic investment in cultivating relationships between the visiting students, local schools, and the local people. Helping the local communities through sustainable architecture remains an afterthought. The Shenzhen Institute of Building Research hosted a building competition for low-carbon city development. The three participating research universities were Syracuse University, UC Berkeley, and TU Delft. The intended development site for the project is Pingdi, a small district in Shenzhen, China. This competition focuses primarily on the technical aspects of low-carbon sustainable development and not on building something useful and meaningful to the local inhabitants. The offical plan is to demolish the existing residential Hakka community along with other urban villages displacing local migrant workers. Despite the official declaration encouraging local participation, there was little to no local involvement and the competition participants were lacking the necessary information to build these projects and to fully understand the stakes of this type of sustainable building project. Sustainable architectural design should not just be limited to the technical it must also be grounded in the site. Architects need to understand the contexts generated by a multitude of economic, political, social, and cultural factors have to be reflected upon and incorporated into a series of design phases. This is not just a building, but a framework for all the different users; students (of architecture, engineering, citizenship and public affairs), local people (residents, and workers), industrial stakeholders where interactions among users are encouraged. Recognizing the valuable contributions from local inhabitants and business owners and including these people as prominent members of low-carbon sustainable development projects results in better design.

Daughter of Malaysian Prime Minister and socio-political activist Marina Mahathir, shares with DNA on her schooling days, her views on censorship, education system, leadership crisis, and religious movements. Her work in helping HIV-infected women has led her to seek larger democratic space for everyone.

Canada has a long history of religious unbelief. This paper offers a social historical survey of its organized, activist forms. The radical thought of the Enlightenment was imported in the late eighteenth century, which saw Voltairean deists like Fleury Mesplet criticizing the Catholic Church in the French-speaking colony of Lower Canada. A long tradition of anticlericalism followed in Quebec even though (or because) the Church was massively influential. The rest of Canada saw freethought and rationalist movements, often organized by working-class autodidacts, developing in the nineteenth century with American and British influences. This tradition continued into the first half of the twentieth century when secularists grappled with fundamentalism and the challenge of radical politics. After World War II the language of secular humanism was deployed and organizations were run by highly educated professionals instead. The position of activist unbelief began to change as Canada shifted from being one of the Western world's most religious countries to being one of the least in the latter half of the twentieth century. Unbelief became unremarkable, though the persistence of religion meant that the twenty-first century saw a revival of militant atheism. This survey shows that unbelief was never just a pure philosophical position but has always been shaped by the social status quo it evolved in or was opposing. Nor was opposition ever enough; activist unbelievers inevitably had to offer the undecided a vision of the secular world they were working towards, and this meant getting involved in some form of politics.

This article, based on more than 60 interviews, explores the tensions between deliberation and various forms of political activism and advocacy. It identifies more than 20 objections to deliberation that are proposed by political activists in various countries and contexts. It concludes with suggestions for combining deliberation and advocacy.

We analyze the consequences of activism in a regulated industry where the regulator has been captured by the industry. Unlike ordinary economic agents, activists are insensitive to monetary incentives. Moreover, they are less well informed than regulators and their actions generate dead-weight costs. Yet we find that activism may increase social welfare because it disciplines captured regulators and reduces the social cost of imperfect regulatory systems.

This article, based on more than 60 interviews, explores the tensions between deliberation and various forms of political activism and advocacy. It identifies more than 20 objections to deliberation that are proposed by political activists in various countries and contexts. It concludes with suggestions for combining deliberation and advocacy. ErratumIn [article title], the process referred to as a 'Twentieth Century Town Meeting' is actually a 21st Century Town Meeting.

Nobel Peace Prize Nominee Chea Vannath fled Cambodia when the Khmer Rouge attempted to arrest her husband. She returned to her homeland 12 years later and began working to help heal her war-torn country. She speaks to DNA about life under the Khmer Rouge, her struggle to come to terms with what they had done to her homeland and what led her to work for the Khmer Rouge to be involved in the reconciliation process.

Review of: Censored 2014: Fearless Speech in Fateful Times, by Mickey Huff and Andy Lee Roth with Project Censored. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2013, 431pp. ISBN 978-1-60980-484-7From its provocative title to its inclusion of contributions from observers like John Pilger, Censored 2014 provides no space for a counter narrative to its criticism of what it calls the corporate or establishment media. Heroes abound but they aren't The New York Times or CNN. Instead we're told it's Bradley Manning, Glen Greenwald or Iceland who deserve praise rather than censure. The project feels there are three main stories which are routinely and deliberately ignored by existing media outlets: climate change, economic inequality and conflicts launched in the name of Empire. This last conclusion is one that goes uncontested even when chapters are devoted to how independent journalists are disparaged as conspiracy theorists by their mainstream rivals if they call attention to false flag terrorism, or demand full investigations into 9/11.

This video shows student activists from Illinois State University in Bloomington-Normal, Illinois putting together their next issue of the Post Amerikan underground newspaper while listening to the Tiananmen Square Massacre in real time as reported by an embedded BBC correspondent. The Post Amerikan was the longest, continuously published underground newspaper in US history and served as a voice for an active counterculture movement from the 1970s to the early 2000s---a counterculture movement championing peace, democracy, human rights, the LGBTQ community, equality, transparency, free speech, democracy, etc. On June 4th, 1989, the Chinese government brutally crushed the student-led '89 Democracy Movement' in what is commonly known as the Tiananmen Square Massacre. Students had called for Democracy, an end to corruption, a free press, constitutional due process, and freedom of speech. At the height of the protests, about 1 million people assembled in the Square. The response of the Chinese Government was to declare Martial Law and employ the People's Liberation Army of China to purge the protestors with overwhelming military force including tanks and over 300,000 troops. Documents declassified in 2017 by the UK government indicate that the death toll may have been as high as 10,000.

2 p. A typed list of students at the University of Oregon who were identified with activism and student movements on campus.

Myanmar democracy activist Ko Ko Gyi spent a total of 17 years in prison for his political beliefs. First detained for his involvement in student protests in 1989, he was eventually released in 2012, along with 600 others, when the military-led government began implementing reforms. Mr Ko Ko Gyi now champions democracy and human rights issues as General Secretary of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society. He was also a member of the government's Rakhine Investigation Commission to investigate the sectarian violence in Rakhine state. He speaks to DNA about the darkest days of his time in the infamous Insein Prison and what kept him going, as well as his hopes for the future of Myanmar.