The author retraces the steps that brought Pazanin to the practical philosophy which he went on to constantly advocate and elaborate. He got the key stimulus from Hannah Arendt and her work Vita activa. The latter is based on an analysis of three forms of life -- theoretical, practical and poietic. Pazanin establishes very studiously a connection between activity (practice) and political life, and he shows that neither scientific-technical insights nor pure philosophical speculation can be substitutes for practice. In the author's judgement, credit belongs to Pazanin for pointing out the distinctiveness of practical political activity. On the other hand, he deems that it is not enough to be satisfied with mere rehabilitation of Aristotle. Instead, in view of the situation in the modem world, it is also necessary to construct the concept of the political. Pazanin did not perceive this endeavour, in the strict sense, as part of his task. Adapted from the source document.
The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakaric, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Rankovic (1966), the symbol of "neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism", one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakaric and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabcevic-Kucar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party's dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using "neo-Stalinist" methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and "technocrats", would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems. Adapted from the source document.
Following the example of the discussion about the possible intervention undertaken by the Western European Union (WEU) with the aim of stopping the war in Croatia, this work strives to show the extent to which the war in Croatia influenced the development of the European relations and institutions, and vice versa. The discussion was held on two occasions, end July -- early August and second half of September 1991. The advocates of such an initiative were led by the idea of WEU military intervention which could stop the war, strengthen the European idea, and lay the foundations for a successful foreign and defensive politics of the future European Union during the phase of institution-building. Besides that, the intervention would undoubtedly have saved many lives in Croatia, and subsequently in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Reluctance and various interpretations among large European countries -- not only of the war in Croatia, but also of the European future -- resulted in passivity which played a huge role in determining the future form of European institutions during the key period before Maastricht. Adapted from the source document.
It is with good reason that decisionism stresses the crucial importance of decisions in the political process. But it is necessary to evaluate critically its dramatic pretension (from Schmitt to Agamben), according to which the normality of life is juxtaposed with the pathos of the state of exception & crisis. This erases not only every distinction between normality & the state of exception, but even between democracy & dictatorship. The proper framework from which an explanation of decisionism & its dramatizing forms can be derived is the modern age as a whole. The birth of decisionism from the crisis of tradition & commonality can be observed already in the beginning of modernity: with Machiavelli & Hobbes. We find the peak of dramatisation in Schmitt's decisionism, in the use of political theology for the dramatization of politics as drama of the subject which obtains his self-willed freedom through a secularist disempowerment of God. The other strand of political philosophy advocates the political priority of discussion & discourse, as opposed to the priority of decision. The author is interested in forms of discourse which revolve in a Habermasian or Rawlsian way around the concept of deliberative democracy. The theories of deliberative democracy are mostly characterized by the following postulates: demand for equality & inclusion, for non-coercion & communicativeness, oriented towards mutual understanding. The author points out that these demands reflect too great expectations, which cannot be fulfilled by discourse & discussion (expectations of consensus & rationality, underestimating of pre-discursive assumptions). In the final section, the author concludes that both decisionism & theory of discourse resulted from the modern-age loss of tradition & commonality. Decision & discussion could be perceived as feuding brothers, although they are doing their best to negate their kinship. A mediation of opposition is possible insofar as the feuding brothers recognize the fact that they are related. Unification at least protects them from the danger of irrationalism & excessive expectation of rationalism. Adapted from the source document.
The texts focuses on constitutionalisation of democracy in the European Union and the phenomenon of democratic deficit through the failed Constitution for Europe and, thereafter, the Lisbon Treaty, which takes over the definition of democracy as the foundation of the European Union. In this context, the author also looks into the contribution of political scientist Zvonko Posavec, who was one of the first in Croatia to advocate the need for constitutionalisation of the European Union as a project of finalising the process of European integration. While writing about the need for constitutional foundation of the European Union, Posavec simultaneously reflects on representative democracy as the form of democracy on which the European Union is predominantly founded. Beside a valorisation of Posavec's works on democracy in the European Union, this paper deals with the problem of the democratic deficit in the European Union which is manifest in the lack of democratic legitimacy of EU institutions, with the sole exception of the European Parliament. The author finds, however, that the main deficit of the European Union is not the democratic process, but political alienation. He perceives the latter as alienation of citizens from the EU as a derivative community, non-transparent and distanced from the basic interests of the citizens and the media interest in politics. Although the European Union declaratively relies on basic democratic values, in practice democracy is experienced primarily through a democratic deficit contrasted by a more obvious bureaucratic surfeit of the European political construction. The author asserts that the Lisbon Treaty was a step towards founding the EU on democratic principles inasmuch as it introduced elements of participative democracy, although it did not accept proposals for introduction of direct democracy in the EU. Finally, the author puts forward some ideas which might reduce the degree of political alienation of citizens in relation to the European Union; this requires giving greater authority to the European Parliament, abolishing the monopoly of the legislative initiative of the European Commission, incorporating the Council of the European Union into the European Parliament as the second House, i.e. the European Senate, and consequently implementing the mechanism of consulting the citizens regarding the legislative initiatives of the EU. The author concludes that the democratic deficit and political alienation cannot be overcome in the European Union without overcoming the democratic deficits and concrete forms of political alienation in the member states which the European Union consists. Adapted from the source document.
The article analyses the main characteristics of a new German political party -- Piratenpartei, its genesis and the impact it has already had on German politics. The success of this party, which now has representatives in the Parliament of Berlin and four more regional parliaments in Germany city council, is an indication of the importance of the Internet, as well as of the need to address new issues on the political agenda. Some of these issues involve free access to information, as well as the need for abandoning periodical elections as the main method of citizens' involvement in politics. Instead, the Piratenpartei, as well as other similar parties in northern Europe, advocates a more permanent and direct involvement of people in the decision-making process. This is defined as the concept of "liquid democracy". The Piratenpartei has influenced the German political scene by forcing other political parties to adopt their programmes if they wish to preserve their influence in German politics. This is particularly important for the younger generation of voters, who are now increasingly using the Internet as an instrument of political activism. Adapted from the source document.
The paper looks into the institutional features of regulating the 2005 campaign for the election of the president of the Republic of Croatia. The role of the regulative institutions is analyzed within a broader context of the regulation of political funding in Croatia. The paper offers the arguments concerning the non-transparency of the system of party & election funding in Croatia based on a comparison of the principles of good practice in political financing. Nassmacher's approach to the regulation of political finances is used as the analytical framework for the analysis of financing the 2005 presidential campaign in Croatia. It is based on four options: the autonomy option, the transparency option, the advocacy option & the diversified regulation option. & finally, the paper includes a brief overview of the funding budgets of the election campaigns of the 2005 presidential candidates. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
The Social Democratic Party of Croatia & Slavonia was founded in 1894, a spin-off of similar political developments in other parts of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Due to the economic & social backwardness of Croatia, industrial workers were rather few in number, & trade unions were banned. The party was mostly made up of craftsmen; there were no intellectuals who would be proponents of socialist theory & programs. That is why its efforts were directed toward the hands-on protection of workers' interests. Another aspect of its mainstream political activities was their opposition to both Croatian & Serbian nationalism & chauvinism & their advocacy of Croatian independence. Due to their unwavering support for human rights & democratic political freedoms, Croatian social democrats were often subject to state repression. The author draws parallels with today's political situation as well as conclusions about the agenda of the leftist parties in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the ambivalence of liberalism regarding political & economic freedoms. While classical liberals advocated individual freedom vs the aristocratic state, modern liberals advocate the controlled rule of the majority by means of the state & the law. Since their original idea of the freedom of private ownership led to the creation of boundless wealth, they have sought ways of limiting state ownership & establishing an intermediate category of ownership. However, the advocacy of intermediate ownership & intermediate state does not suffice for a success at the polls, so liberals have adopted the conservative concept of the protection of public good from the fury of private interests. Today's marginalization of liberal parties has not prevented liberal ideas to penetrate into the programs of all democratic parties. Hence, liberalism has become more of a cultural achievement & less of a viable political option. Adapted from the source document.
An analysis of US foreign policy strategy shows that a more intensive advocacy of human rights & democracy is usually characteristic of Democratic Party presidents & their administrations. The numerous challenges of the new world order that Bill Clinton, the first Democratic president born after WWII, was faced with required the redefinition of the role, goals, & interests of the sole remaining superpower in the new international community. The promotion of democracy & liberal market values & the protection of universal human rights were the guidelines for Clinton administration's foreign policy during both of his mandates. Due to the specific features & intensity of geopolitical changes, which resulted in armed conflicts in Southeastern Europe, the consequence of the American policy toward the newly created countries (the so-called young democracies on the Old Continent, including the new Russia) was that the first NATO military "out of area" campaign on Kosovo was justified as an attempt to stem the flood of refugees & to put an end to the violation of ethnic & other human rights. Since the US has announced its intention to intervene when & if (& based on their interests) they deem that basic human rights & democratic values are violated, it can be said that a new pattern of behavior has emerged that would have to be adopted by the other members of the new world order as well. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.
U ovom radu razmatra se djelovanje Slavenskoga komiteta Hrvatske, kluba intelektualaca i umjetnika okupljenih u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata radi promoviranja ideja slavenske uzajamnosti i bliskosti sa Sovjetskim Savezom. Sagledavajući njegov rad u uvjetima uspostave komunističke prevlasti i hladnoratovske polarizacije u Europi, autor će posebno analizirati propagandu Slavenskoga komiteta o Sovjetskom Savezu i veličanje staljinističkoga modela upravljanja društvom. ; Public advocacy of Slavic mutuality and solidarity was an essential component of Soviet 'soft power' in the 1940s war-torn Europe. Being conceptualised by Stalin's government in order to strengthen influence over occupied Eastern Europe, it was driven by a propaganda abundant with national liberation, anti-fascism, social equality and democratisation traits, while warily covering up its communist agenda under a non-revolutionary facade. In postwar Croatia, Slavic consonance was particularly propagandised by the Slavic Committee of Croatia (dependent on the Slavic Committee of Yugoslavia), a para-political learned society whose mission was heavily influenced by both the ongoing Communist revolutionary ideologisation and the escalating Cold War polarisation. Lackeyed by the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Committee commended propaganda efforts that had already been carried out to perpetrate the aestheticisation and glorification of the Soviet Union, through painting its adversaries as enemies of peace and democracy, imperialist war-mongers, servants of capitalists, etc. The Committee was eager to conduct a ruthless defamation of Western democracy and pluralism, in order to heap praise on the Soviets. Considering the fact that the Committee was established in 1946 as an instrument intended to spread the political influence of the USSR, its existence closely followed the dynamics of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, so it disappeared shortly after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948.
U radu se opisuje i komentira The Local Government Reform Project (2000–2007) u Hrvatskoj, navode njegove temeljne premise te sistematizira rad na Projektu. Radilo se na četiri reformska pravca – jačanje decentralizacijske politike, prijenos znanja i vještina radi jačanja odgovornosti, oblikovanje institucija te suradnja s medijima obavještavanje lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica i građana. Jačanje decentralizacijske politike nastojalo se provesti, na primjer, iniciranjem obuhvatne decentralizacijske reforme, radom na promjenama i poboljšanjima zakonodavstva, jačanjem uloge Udruge gradova te izgradnjom mreže za zagovaranje decentralizacije. Prijenos znanja i vještina nastojao se provesti usavršavanjem lokalnih službenika, poboljšanjem metoda upravljanja lokalnom imovinom i financijama, usavršavanjem postupaka i prakse javne nabave i investicija, izradom kompjutorskog programa za upravljanje lokalnim financijama, nastojanjem oko primjene mjera e-upravljanja u lokalnoj samoupravi, itd. Izgradnja institucija bila je usmjerena prema Udruzi gradova, Akademiji lokalne demokracije, obrazovnim inicijativama širom zemlje te jačanju suradnje lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica. Pristup je bio participativan, odozdo-prema-gore, praktičan i podupirući. ; The Local Government Reform Project (2000–2007) in Croatia is described and commented. Main premises are noticed and work within the Project systematised. There were four reform directions – policy reform with a focus on decentralization, knowledge and skill transfer to increase accountability, institution building, and, finally, media outreach and local government and citizen information. Measures for reaching policy reform were, for example, introduction of a comprehensive decentralization reform, improvement of respective legislation, strengthening the role of the Association of Cities and building advocacy network. Knowledge and skills transfer was attempted by building capacity of local government professionals, working on asset and internal financial management, procurement and investment procedures and practices, creating new software with regard to financial management, promoting e-government measures, etc. Institution building was concentrated on the Association of Cities, the Local Democracy Academy, education initiatives throughout the country, and localgovernment cooperation. The overall approach was participative, bottom-up, practical, and supportive.
This paper aims to examine the perspectives of pupils and students with disabilities regarding their roles in the implementation of education policy for children and students with disabilities. The role of pupils and students with disabilities in the implementation of education policy is analysed using the Contextual Interaction Theory, created by Hans Bressers. The main assumption of the Contextual Interaction Theory is that policy is a process based on negotiation and participation of various social groups and organisations, that is, on multi-actor interactions. The data were therefore collected by focus group interviews. Eight focus groups were held between January 2014 and December 2015, including 45 participants (pupils with disabilities in upper secondary school classes and students with disabilities). The negative perception of disability, insufficient knowledge of advocacy for their needs, the lack of consideration for the beneficiary perspective and a low inclusion rate of beneficiaries in the implementation of education policy are the obstacles to an increased participation of pupils and students with disabilities in the implementation of education policy. ; Cilj je ovoga rada istražiti poglede učenika s teškoćama u razvoju i studenata s invaliditetom o njihovoj ulozi u provedbi obrazovne politike prema djeci s teškoćama i studentima s invaliditetom. U ovom se istraživanju za analizu uloge učenika s teškoćama i studenata s invaliditetom u provedbi obrazovne politike primijenila Kontekstualna teorija interakcija (Contextual Interaction Theory) utemeljitelja Hansa Bressersa. Osnovna je pretpostavka Kontekstualne teorije da je politika proces koji se temelji na pregovaranju i sudjelovanju različitih društvenih skupina i organizacija, odnosno interakcija različitih aktera. Stoga su podatci prikupljeni fokus grupnim intervjuom. Provedeno je osam fokus grupa, u razdobju od siječnja 2014. do prosinca 2015. godine, kojima je obuhvaćeno 45 sudionika (učenika s teškoćama u razvoju završnih razreda srednjih škola i studenata s invaliditetom). Negativna percepcija invaliditeta, nedostatno znanje za zagovaranje potreba, neuvažavanje korisničke perspektive i slabo uključivanje korisnika u proces provedbe obrazovne politike prepreke su većem sudjelovanju učenika s teškoćama u razvoju i studenata s invaliditetom u provedbi obrazovne politike.
Prethodna su istraživanja pokazala da hrvatska politika mentalnog zdravlja nije politički prioritet, da joj nedostaje interdisciplinarnosti, međusektorske suradnje i holističkog pristupa. Slijedeći pretpostavku da je jedan od glavnih razloga za takvo polazište niska razina korištenja znanja pri stvaranju politike mentalnog zdravlja, ova studija pokušala je ispitati ulogu ekspertize i prijenosa znanja u razvoju hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom snowball u proljeće 2018., obuhvatilo je 124 sudionika, stručnjaka iz različitih ustanova koje se bave mentalnim zdravljem. Za potrebe ove studije razvijen je upitnik "Razvoj hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja". Prikupljeni kvalitativni i kvantitativni podatci pokazali su da stručnjaci iz sektora mentalnog zdravlja kreiranje politike u svome polju opisuju kao nekvalitetno i u ovisnosti o visokim vladinim tijelima kojima upravlja politička elita nezainteresirana za mentalno zdravlje. Podatci također pokazuju da stručnjaci iz područja mentalnog zdravlja o poboljšanju politike mentalnog zdravlja razmišljaju u skladu s međunarodnim smjernicama. Pa ipak, sebe rijetko smatraju aktivnim činiteljima u procesu kreiranja politike. To nas vodi zaključku da stručnjaci trebaju podršku za umrežavanje, udruživanje radi zagovaranja i bolje međusektorske odnose kako bi utjecali na političku volju. ; Previous research shows that Croatian mental health policy is not a political priority, that it lacks interdisciplinarity, intersectoral collaboration and a holistic approach. Following the assumption that one of the main reasons for this position is the low level of knowledge in mental health policy-making, this study was set to examine the role of expertise and knowledge translation in Croatian mental health policy development. The study was conducted during spring 2018 and has included 124 participants, professionals from different institutions dealing with mental health, using the snowball method. The questionnaire "Development of Croatian Mental Health Policy" was developed for the purpose of this study. The gathered qualitative and quantitative data shows that professionals in the mental health sector describe policymaking in the field as being of poor quality and highly dependent on top governmental bodies that are run by the political elite uninterested in mental health. The data also proves that mental health professionals in Croatia think about the improvement of mental health policy in line with international guidelines. Still, they rarely consider themselves an active force in policy-making. That leads us to the conclusion that experts and professionals need support to form networks, advocacy coalitions and better inter-sectoral relationships in order to influence the political will.
