Feedback switching and the evolution of U.S. coastal management
In: Marine policy, Band 53, S. 94-100
ISSN: 0308-597X
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In: Marine policy, Band 53, S. 94-100
ISSN: 0308-597X
In: Journal of Public Deliberation, Band 10, Heft 1, S. I-6
In: 45 SETON HALL L. REV. 383 (2015)
SSRN
In: Common market law review, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 1235-1262
ISSN: 0165-0750
In: Canadian Political Science Review, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 17-33
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 97-127
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
Expanding the number of individuals with DNA 'profiles' stored in nationwide criminal databanks appears to be a promising criminal justice reform, particularly for resolving crimes of sexual violence. Bills like the Violence Against Women Act provide for DNA databank expansion, and many anti-rape organizations support this development. Yet, as millions of dollars are allocated for these purposes, thousands of rape kits -- DNA evidence submitted by rape survivors -- remain untested. DNA databanks have serious, harmful consequences for individual privacy and dignity, and they distract attention and resources from the larger social forces that engender sexual violence. Instead, the author advocates for community-based alternatives that are survivor-centered and focused on humanizing and healing all parties involved in this paper. Adapted from the source document.
In: German politics and society, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 1-14
ISSN: 1558-5441
"Mr. Radio (der Radio) is man's greatest achievement," a young Bavariannamed Maxl announced in the op-ed column of Der Rundfunkhörer, a journalof the state's listener advocacy association, in April 1954.1 His initialenthusiasm, the letter made obvious, fizzled out fast. Elsewhere, Mr. Radiomay well have been a paragon of mobile greatness, road-ready thanks tocars and portable following the introduction of transistors in 1953.2 Yet, hiscountry's Mr. Radio, Maxl regretfully remarked, was deeply flawed, andthis circumstance had nothing to do with the advances of this "gentleman's"televisual competitor, which would need as many as six more years to reacha quarter of all households.3 Rather, a slew of intrinsic shortcomingsplagued the imaginary character's transmission, programming, and receptionin Maxl's family residence—the home of the West German everyman.The purposefully naïve wording of the boy's letter, possibly penned by theeditor and association's president Hans Gebhard, whose own frequent contributionswere nearly identical in tenor and substance, barely veiled a longlist of tongue-in-cheek complaints. The latter showed just how vulnerableradio, this "hegemon of domestic leisure," was during the first full decade ofthe Cold War—the seminal overture to this special issue's chronology.4
In: Estudios políticos, Heft 44, S. 221-241
ISSN: 0121-5167
In: The Pacific review, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 357-382
ISSN: 1470-1332
In: Asian perspective, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 61-88
ISSN: 0258-9184
In this article I present competing patterns of discursive reconstruction of German reunification in South Korean public spheres and the methods of mobilizing them for domestic debates on inter-Korean relations. I analyze the editorials and opinion articles of two newspapers, Chosun Daily and Hankyoreh, which respectively represent the most influential conservative and progressive print media in South Korea. The articles not only discuss German reunification in contrasting ways but also integrate those interpretive schemes into policy advocacy on North Korea. The conservatives utilized the narratives about the breakdown of the East German regime and the subsequent unification to justify an aggressive policy toward North Korea, whereas progressives consistently judged the German case as "unification by absorption," giving full support to reconciliation and peaceful coexistence. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Heft 94
ISSN: 0944-8101
In Welt Trends 92 formulated by the economist Hans Hartmut Else in 15 theses why the way out of the economic crisis for the euro countries can only lie in capitalism. He called for a new understanding of the economic system and called for the throw overboard dusty prejudices. His reply to my message now three colleagues: Albrecht Goeschel sees the worst problem of the current crisis in the 'advantage extremism' of the Germans and explained whether and if so which version of Keynesianism may in his opinion, the problems remedy. Helmut Matthes advocates for a stronger regulation of the economy. Adapted from the source document.
In: Studies in political economy: SPE ; a socialist review, Heft 94, S. 137-160
ISSN: 0707-8552
These are hard times for those of us who loathe capitalism-with its inevitable exploitation, competition, and rewards for selfishness and greed, along with its hostility towards values of compassion, economic sharing, co-operation, and solidarity. The capitalist classes, especially their Right-wing advocates, have done a thorough job of smashing their opponents. One of their greatest victories has been the way they have almost made alternative visions and the movements supporting anticapitalism seem impossible. They have, with the help of many of the regimes of twentieth-century communist governments, even stolen our language and our history. So many activists talk about anticapitalism because the terms 'communism' and 'socialism' have been robbed of their earlier, positive meanings. Adapted from the source document.
In: Theory and society: renewal and critique in social theory, Band 43, Heft 3-4, S. 247-274
ISSN: 1573-7853
In: Modern Asian studies, Band 48, Heft 5, S. 1358-1388
ISSN: 1469-8099
In: Journal of poverty: innovations on social, political & economic inequalities, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 335-354
ISSN: 1540-7608