Suchergebnisse

The maxim that the people are the agent of the constituent power has, since the French revolution, been a universally accepted answer to the issue of the origin & the degree of validity of constitutional law, which, as the ultimate norm of a state's legal order, has no other higher positive law norm. But that maxim disregards political reality. Neither is it convincing from the point of view of the theory of state. The people are not the subject of activity but only of reference. The maxim on the constituent power of the people is a democratic myth. As such it is polyvalent: the reinforcement of revolution or its prohibition determine whether the existing constitutional regime is to be overthrown or legitimized. The doctrine of the constituent power of the people is not cognitively rewarding as a theory of legitimation, either, since the effectiveness of a constitution does not depend on its provenance but on the reception it gets here & now from its addressees: state agencies & citizens. Adapted from the source document.

This article investigates which one of two competing theories -- balance of power theory or power preponderance theory -- better explains war in the territory of former Yugoslavia. The main finding is that military preponderance in favor of Serbia fostered aggression of this state on Slovenia, Croatia, & Bosnia & Herzegovina. Furthermore, relative balance of power, which was established in 1995, was the main reason for the termination of hostilities & for the Dayton peace agreement. Consequently, this article concludes that case study of the war in the territory of former Yugoslavia is an additional argument in favor of classical balance of power theory & that power preponderance theory can neither explain the outbreak nor the ending of this war. This article also challenges previous interpretations of war in the former Yugoslavia, which claimed that this war was a civil war based on ethnic hatred. In contrast, this article argues that conflict on the territory of former Yugoslavia was primarily an interstate war based on rational calculations of the main actors. 50 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the development of political theory in Slovenia since 1990. It surveys the development of the discipline & traces its roots back to the beginning of political theory studies in 1961. Authors, ideas, books & approaches are discussed. The paper challenges the assumption that studies of political theory share a similar destiny in Central & Eastern Europe by showing that there have been no breaks or rifts in political theory in Slovenia, but that one can rather speak of evolution, where the next period is based on the previous. The paper critically evaluates the public role of political theorists, their (non)positions. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a short account of his broadly based studies on the theory of public choice & the financing of the public sector in the industrialized countries of the world. In this context, he first defines the theory of choice & its relation to the financing of the public sector & then reviews the evolution of the theory of public choice in the history of human development, with special focus on the most recent trends. He then explores the fundamental principles of public choice in the functioning of the contemporary state & its consequences for the economic & social development of the developed countries. In conclusion, the author lists the essential requirements regarding the possibility of the implementation of the theory of public choice in Croatian theory & practice relating to collective decisions regarding the financing of public needs. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Haberle clarifies his conception of constitution as culture & discusses his interpretation of the relationship between state & society, both based on the fundamental principles spelled out in this document. Other, related issues addressed here are the following: (1) the concept of political culture; (2) constitution as the expression of a nation's mentality & cultural heritage; (3) the constitution-public relationship; (4) constitutional theory as a theory of open society; (5) culture as a sine qua non element of the creation & functioning of the state; (6) the fallacy of Carl Schmitt's friend-foe theory; (7) the tradition of constitutional theory in Germany; (8) the significance of the year 1989 in the history of Europe; (9) the preparation of a draft of the Constitution of the European Union; (10) optimistic & pessimistic views of humans, ie, John Locke vs Thomas Hobbes; & (11) the constitution & constitutional theory & law in Croatia. Z. Dubiel

The study is a contribution to the discussion on the definition of war in the modern era & focuses on contemporary debates. By exploring the essence of politics & nation, in line with Carl Schmitt's theory of politics & by taking into consideration the forms of national liberation wars, the author points to the inadequacy of von Clausewitz's instrumental/political definition of war & lists most critical remarks to this theory. The author describes other theories, such as the pure war theory (war separated from politics) & the existential war theory (a political entity is being shaped & coming into being). Then he systematically lays out the modern concept of the nation & the corresponding definition of war. In defining wars, the author relies on the modern philosophy of the subject, particularly by G. W. F. Hegel, & on Scheler's theory of nation & war. Finally, the study shows that international relations are still to a large extent determined by the nationally based politics, & that contemporary wars include many features of international & national-liberation wars. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The convergent cycles of the prevalence of interventionist or laissez-faire concepts have alternated in economics, politics, & political & economic theory. Hayek's theory of Western rationality & liberal & democratic order is based on two communicational arguments: the price-earnings ratio enables maximum mobilization of resources & the optimal use of information. The author's opinion is that the current cycle will bring about the integration of the liberal communicational argument with the new concepts of regulation, & not the universalization of the liberal order. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author elaborates on two central assumptions. The first (based on comparative survey results from ten postcommunist countries) is that there is a marked positive correlation between the residue of "communist legacy" in people's & the electoral success of leftist parties. Since that legacy in Croatia (& the Czech Republic) has been weakest, this is going to be an aggravating circumstance for SDP in their struggle for power. The second assumption is that the politics of leftist parties that could come to power is to shuttle between two extremes: the restoration of real-socialism in a modified form & the social-democratic model of Sweden or at least Germany. According to the author, the key agents of such politics are "neotraditionalism" & "political capitalism", both from the former system. Adapted from the source document.

The theory of public choice is a major link between political science & economic science. It includes economic research into the issue of non-market decision making, ie, the application of economic analysis to political decision making. The champions of the theory of public choice have the most confidence in the market & market institutions. They try to explain political decision making by means of the standards operating in the market. The public choice theory approach is based on the concept of methodological individualism & homo oeconomicus, since individuals try to promote their own interests both in the market & in politics. Theoreticians of public choice investigate voters' behavior, the roles of politicians, political parties, & interest groups in complex democratic societies. Central for their research is the political process in which voters behave as buyers, & politicians as entrepreneurs, while bureaucrats are prone to self-aggrandizement; their ambition is to boost the significance of their office. The theory of public choice emphasizes the category of exchange (political exchange) & the catalectic approach to economy. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses the basic structure of Mancur Olson's political economy. He highlights three concepts on which it is based: public goods, interest groups, & selective incentives. The last concept represents Olson's innovation in contemporary political science. The author's central methodical assumption is based on the insight that Olson's key theory is linked with the so-called public goods paradox. Unlike private goods, public goods are noncompetitive & nonexclusive, which means that it is not possible to bar those who do not share the costs of their production from using them. On the basis of this, Olson has developed the original theory of interest groups. By looking into the costs of organizing along interest lines as a collective activity whose result is a public good, he distinguishes between large, heterogeneous, & small, homogeneous groups. Besides, he has shown that, regarding public goods, individuals tend to behave as free riders, defaulters who try to avoid the costs of securing these goods. The author shows that Olson has, notwithstanding certain flimsiness of his reductionist methodology, significantly revamped political science. Adapted from the source document.

The methodological assumptions of rational choice theory -- methodological individualism & rationality -- are not generally considered suitable for analyzing nations. Nevertheless, if we accept that the political process is at least partially rational, & that nation-building & change are part of that process, this will provide an opening to look at nations from the unorthodox perspective of rational choice. The club theory, as part of rational choice theory, offers great opportunities for establishing analogies between clubs & nations, & thus for shedding new light on some features of modern polities. Establishing a polity, by the club analogy, entails two basic selections: the selection of members & the selection of a sovereign territory that will serve to provide physical protection & material resources for its members. The choice of membership is in general based on the choice of desirable membership characteristics (usually cultural ones). The choice of a sovereign territory is linked to the decision on the part of the members to engage in collective action to acquire the sovereign territory. Adapted from the source document.

Autor se u radu bavi teorijom isprekidane ravnoteže i njezinom operacionalizacijom. Isprekidana ravnoteža opisuje proces stvaranja javnih politika u vidu dugih perioda stabilnosti politika i njezinih radikalnih promjena koje se doga- đaju naglo. S obzirom na složenost i nadograđivanje same teorije, autor je u radu želi operacionalizirati u vidu ključnih pojmova te njihovih pokazatelja. Sukladno tome autor u prvom dijelu rada rastavlja teoriju na manje pojmove koje potom definira i uvrštava u kontekst teorije. Nakon toga u drugom dijelu istražuje koliko su pojmovi proizašli iz operacionalizacije integrirani u dosadašnjim istraživanjima teorije. Na temelju rezultata i rasprave naposljetku prikazuje potencijalne pokazatelje tih pojmova slijedeći načelo metodološkog pluralizma. U zaključku se iznosi stajalište da je ta operacionalizacija dala inovativan pogled na samu teoriju, ali i na istraživanje isprekidane ravnoteže u javnim politikama koje je do sada bilo dominantno kvantitativno. ; In this paper, the author deals with the punctuated equilibrium theory and its operationalization. The punctuated equilibrium theory describes the policy-making process in terms of long periods of policy stability and its radical change that occurs suddenly. Given the complexity and upgrading of the theory, in this paper the author seeks to operationalize it in the form of key terms and their indicators. Accordingly, in the first part of the paper the author dissects theory into many key terms, which he defines and sets them in the context of theory. After that, in the second part of the paper, the author examines how terms arising from operationalization have been so far integrated into the research of the punctuated equilibrium theory. Based on results and discussion, in the end the author displays the potential indicators of key terms following the principle of methodological pluralism. He conludes that this operationalization gives an innovative look at theory, but also in terms of researching punctuated equilibrium in public policies which has been predominantly quantitative.

Rad preispituje teoriju deliberativne demokracije na temelju Rancièreovog poimanja "nesuglasnosti". Predstavljena su dva dominantna pravca teorije deliberativne demokracije - onaj Johna Rawlsa te onaj Jürgena Habermasa. Nasuprot teoriji deliberativne demokracije, Rancière tumači demokraciju kao pojavnost u sporu koji nastaje podizanjem zahtjeva za jednakošću od onih koji su dio zajednice, ali bez udjela u moći ili jednakim pravima. S njegovom teorijom otvara se prostor za preispitivanje dominacije deliberativne demokracije u trenutnim raspravama o demokraciji. Ispituje se mogućnost racionalnog promišljanja kao osnove demokracije u društvu sa složenim i ukorijenjenim nejednakostima te se suprotstavlja važnost konsenzusa naspram nesuglasnosti. ; This paper re-examines the theory of deliberative democracy based on Rancière's notion of "disagreement". Two dominant directions of the theory of deliberative democracy are presented - that of John Rawls and that of Jürgen Habermas. Contrary to the theory of deliberative democracy, Rancière interprets democracy as a phenomenon in a dispute that arises from the raising of demands for equality by those who are part of the community, but without a share in power or equal rights. With his theory, space opens up for re-examining the dominance of deliberative democracy in current debates about democracy. The possibility of rational thinking as the basis of democracy in a society with complex and ingrained inequalities is examined, and the importance of consensus versus disagreement is opposed.