Suchergebnisse

The present work is focused on the epistemological investigation about the relation between Nonconceptual Self, nonconceptual content of perception, awarenes and recognition of place in the context of the Gibsonian ecological perspective. In view of this investigative purpose our objectives are the following: 1 - to characterize the nonconceptual content of perception in the anti-representationalist context and 2 - to question whether consciousness is necessary for organisms to act in the environment and to acquire perceptual experiences such as the recognition of place. In the context of Gibsonian perspective, we will argue in support of the hypothesis that the ecological-informational and anti-representationalist theory of perception offers innovative theoretical subsidies for the analysis of our research purpose. We understand that in order to have awareness and to be able to think about oneself, the agent must first have basic perceptual experiences of the environment. We consider that the agent's basic perceptual experiences, such as recognition of place, does not necessarily involve consciousness.

Neste artigo, nossos objetivos foram descrever o Programa Foreign Language Teaching Assistant da Comissão Fulbright e discutir como os bolsistas desse programa, os FLTAs, atuam como agentes de uma política linguística de difusão do português em instituições de ensino superior dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA). Para tanto, analisamos, a partir da concepção processual de política linguística de Johnson (2013), que coloca a agência como um dos elementos centrais na compreensão do fenômeno, dados documentais e entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com alguns dos jovens professores brasileiros que são enviados para aquele país. Os resultados demonstram que o envio de jovens professores brasileiros para ensinar português nos EUA é parte de uma grande política externa que começou a ser implantada no final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, em uma tentativa do governo norte-americano de exercer o que tem sido entendido como soft power. Nas últimas 12 edições do programa, focalizadas neste trabalho, mais de 300 profissionais atuaram, de forma individual e coletiva, tanto dentro quanto fora de salas de aula em quase todos os estados norte-americanos como agentes de difusão do português brasileiro, mesmo, por vezes, encontrando restrições a suas atuações. ; This paper aimed to describe the language policy developed by The Fulbright Foreign Language Teaching Assistant Program (FLTA) and to discuss the agency of its fellows to the spread Brazilian Portuguese in higher education institutions in the USA. Based on the theoretical notion of language policy as a process (RICENTO; HORNBERGER, 1996; JOHNSON, 2013; JOHNSON; JOHNSON, 2015), we analyzed a corpora consisting of documentary data, information gathered through telephone calls and e-mails, and semi-structured interviews with members of the Fulbright Commission Brazil and former Brazilian FLTAs. This is a qualitative-interpretative study (LIN, 2015) of the texts-discourses that are part of the corpora. The results show the levels and the main agents that are part of this language policy – from the US government to the Brazilian teachers – as illustrated using the onion metaphor with concentric circles that indicate the several layers where these agents act. Results also found there is little formalization of a language policy education for foreign/additional languages by the FLTA Program. This makes the Brazilian FLTAs, who act sometimes collectively and sometimes individually, the main force to form a language policy to spread Brazilian Portuguese in the USA.

Based on Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit, Alexandre Kojève produces a theory of an "anthropogenesis" that allocates the constitution of self-consciousness in a markedly historical and social field centered on the "dialectic of the master and the slave". More than this, it emerges in a domaine seized by the conflictuality of such a central operator of socialization, namely the desire, which is always, in the last case, a desire for recognition. Aware of this idea and on the path of the development of an imaginary's theory, Lacan was pursuing the necessity to reallocate certain points of the Freudian constitution's theory of the ego. He was aiming to bypass Freud's supposed "biologism" (especially in his theory of the "death drive") by emphasizing the fundamental dependence of the other's figure on the process of "hominization", in which "aggressiveness" plays an inherent role. If the projects of Kojève and Lacan present undeniable convergences, it is necessary, however, to better understand them, as well as to establish the uniqueness of their distances, inflections and objectives.

The paper analyzes the process of constitution of the Movimento de Educação de Base – MEB –, reflecting about the dynamics of relations between Church and State in Brazil, at a time when education in the rural environment was disputed by diverse social groups. Its objective is to understand how, within an officially secular state, an agreement can be signed and justified in which the Brazilian Government financed a movement proposed and coordinated by the Catholic Church. Theoretically based on the notions of elite groups and influence, it investigates the approximations between governmental and religious agents involved in establishing the agreement. Finally, it analyzes the decree formalizing the agreement, relating some of its main points with the previous process. ; El artículo analiza el proceso de constitución del Movimento de Educação de Base - MEB -, reflexionando sobre la dinámica de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado en Brasil, en un momento en que la educación en el medio rural era disputada por diversos grupos sociales. Tiene por objetivo comprender cómo, en un Estado oficialmente laico, pudo ser firmado y justificado un convenio en el cual el gobierno financió un movimiento propuesto y coordinado por la Iglesia Católica. Fundamentado teóricamente por las nociones de grupos de élite e influencia, investiga los acercamientos entre los agentes gubernamentales y religiosos involucrados en la consecución del acuerdo. Finalmente, analiza el decreto del convenio, relacionando sus puntos principales con el proceso antecedente. ; O artigo analisa o processo de constituição do Movimento de Educação de Base – MEB –, refletindo sobre a dinâmica das relações entre Igreja e Estado no Brasil, em um momento em que a educação no meio rural era disputada por diversos grupos sociais. Tem por objetivo compreender como, no interior de um Estado oficialmente laico, pôde ser firmado e justificado um convênio no qual o governo federal brasileiro financiou um movimento proposto e coordenado pela Igreja Católica. Embasando-se teoricamente nas noções de grupos de elite e influência, investiga as aproximações entre os agentes governamentais e religiosos envolvidos na consecução do acordo. Finalmente, analisa o decreto de formalização do convênio, relacionando alguns de seus pontos principais com o processo antecedente.

Partindo de um quadro teórico neo-gramsciano crítico à globalização, este artigo aplica a nova teoria do regionalismo (NTR) e a teoria do regionalismo regulatório (TRR) à sua análise e teorização dos tratados de comércio da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos da Nossa América (ALBA-TCP) como regionalismo contra-hegemônico na América Latina e Caribe (ALC). A ALBA está centrada na ideia de um Socialismo do Século XXI, que, como (inicialmente) também a Revolução Bolivariana da Venezuela, substitui a 'vantagem competitiva' pela 'vantagem cooperativa'. Em seu caráter de conjunto de processos multidimensionais e transnacionais a ALBA-TCP opera dentro de/transversalmente a um número de setores e escalas, ao mesmo passo que as transformações estruturais são movidas pela interação de agentes do Estado e agentes não estatais. A política de Educação Superior para Todos (ESPT) do governo venezuelano rejeita a agenda neoliberal globalizada de mercadorização, privatização e elitismo e reinvindica educação pública gratuita em todos os níveis como um direito humano fundamental. A ESPT está sendo regionalizado em um espaço educacional emergente da ALBA e assume um papel-chave nos processos de democracia direta e participatória, dos quais a construção popular (bottom-up) da contra-hegemonia e a redefinição política e econômica da ALC dependem. Antes de produzir sujeitos empreendedores conformes ao capitalismo global, a ESPT procura formar subjetividades ao longo de valores morais de solidariedade e cooperação. Isso será ilustrado com referência a um estudo etnográfico de caso da Universidade Bolivariana da Venezuela (UBV). ; This paper employs new regionalism theory and regulatory regionalism theory in its analysis and theorisation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as a counter-hegemonic Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) regionalism. As (initially) the regionalisation of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution, ALBA is centred around the idea of a 21st Century Socialism that replaces the 'competitive advantage' with the 'cooperative advantage'. ALBA, as a set of multi-dimensional inter- and transnational processes, operates within and across a range of sectors and scales whilst the structural transformations are driven by the interplay of state and non-state actors. The Venezuelan government's Higher Education For All (HEFA) policy, which is being regionalised within an emergent ALBA education space, assumes a key role in the direct democratic and participatory democratic processes upon which a bottom-up construction of counter-hegemony depends. HEFA challenges the globalised neoliberal higher education agenda of commoditisation, privatisation and elitism. Rather than producing enterprising subjects fashioned for global capitalism, HEFA seeks to form subjectivities along the moral values of solidarity and cooperation.

This paper analyses the issue of delivery time in the procurement process within the Brazilian federal public administration. Based on the principle of celerity, the main goal is to analyze the factors that have influenced the implementation of the sub-phases of electronic auctions held at the Base Aérea de Natal (Bant). Based on the the­oretical framework of the procurement function, four dimensions were established: Legislation and procurement processes, Structure and organization of the purchasing sector, Purchasing systems and Human resources of the purchasing sector. The methodology consisted of semi-structured interviews carried out with the public agents of Bant. The analysis by sub-phases, an unprecedented strategy, identified new factors: lack of integration between the requesting and purchasing sectors, lack of integration between the requesting sector and the auctioneer and failures in the data base Comprasnet. ; Este artículo aborda el tema de los plazos en los procesos de compras en la administración pública federal brasi­leña. El principal objetivo es analizar los factores que influyeron en el logro de las sub-fases de la licitación elec­trónica en la Base Aérea de Natal (Bant) teniendo como base el principio de la celeridad. Basado en la teoría de la función de compras, cuatro dimensiones fueran establecidas: "Legislación y procesos de compras", "Estructura y organización del sector de compras", "Sistemas de compras" y "Recursos humanos del sector compras". En el ámbito metodológico se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas con los agentes públicos de Bant. El análisis por sub-fases, procedimiento sin precedentes en la literatura, identificó nuevos factores: falta de integración entre el sector solicitante y el de compras, falta de integración entre el sector solicitante y el pregonero, y fallas en la base de datos Comprasnet. ; Este artigo aborda a questão dos prazos nos processos de compras no âmbito da administração pública federal. Seu principal objetivo é analisar os fatores que influenciaram na execução das subfases do pregão eletrônico na Base Aérea de Natal (Bant) tendo como parâmetro o princípio da celeridade. Baseado na teoria sobre a função compras, quatro dimensões foram estabelecidas: "Legislação e processos de compras", "Estrutura e organização do setor de compras", "Sistemas de compras" e "Recursos humanos do setor de compras". No campo metodológico, foram rea­lizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com os agentes públicos da Bant. A análise por subfases, procedimento inédito na literatura, identificou novos fatores que afetam a celeridade: falta de integração entre o setor requisitante e o de compras, falta de integração entre o setor requisitante e o pregoeiro e falhas no banco de dados do Comprasnet.

According to the Theory of Economic Regulation, corporate lobbying is a productive investment for firms looking to influence legislation and public policy. Corporate political activity can generate benefits for the organization; however, in the presence of agency conflicts the advantage is often offset by agency costs borne by the shareholders. Sometimes excess remuneration is offered by the principal in exchange for the agent's commitment to shareholder wealth creation. In this study we evaluated the association between corporate lobbying, chief executive officer remuneration and corporate performance in238 firms traded on the New York Stock Exchange, covering the period 2014-2017. Our regression analyses reveal that corporate lobbying is positively associated with chief executive officer remuneration and negatively associated with corporate performance, suggesting the existence of agency costs resulting from corporate lobbying. In such scenarios, based on our sample, corporate lobbying does not improve performance or generate benefits for shareholders, but serves as a personal and political tool for executive self-promotion. ; Consoante preconiza a Teoria da Regulação Econômica, o lobbying corporativo é considerado um investimento produtivo para as empresas que procuram influenciar a legislação e as políticas públicas. A atividade política corporativa pode gerar benefícios para a organização, porém, na presença de conflitos de agência, essa vantagem é muitas vezes neutralizada pelos custos de agência suportados pelos acionistas. Por vezes, a remuneração excessiva é oferecida pelo principal em troca do compromisso do agente para com a criação de riqueza dos acionistas. Neste estudo, avalia-se a associação entre o lobbying corporativo, a remuneração do Chief Executive Officer e o desempenho empresarial, em 238 empresas com ações negociadas na New York Stock Exchange, abrangendo o quadriênio 2014-2017. As análises de regressão revelam que o lobbying corporativo está positivamente associado à remuneração do Chief ...

The present study aimed to analyze the influence of expenditure by function in the expenditure with personnel of the Brazilian states according to the cycle. The theoretical foundation is based on the theory of public choice, economic political cycles, and personnel expenses. This study is characterized as a quantitative research, since a multiple linear regression with panel data was performed for each electoral cycle. The data were collected from the Accounting and Tax Information System of the Brazilian Public Sector (SICONFI), the time cut refers to the year 1995 to 2016. It is concluded that political interests can be evidenced through the influence of ministerial functions in the personnel expenses. And also, that the interests of managers are different in each electoral cycle, because they differ according to the need to meet the demands of the agents involved legitimizing themselves in power. The greatest positive influences found were related to energy and mineral resources in the electoral year (T0), judicial (T1) and commerce and services industry (T2), judicial (T3). The effect of the limits established by the fiscal responsibility law increased personnel expenses. ; El presente estudio objetivó analizar la influencia de los gastos por función en los gastos con personal de los estados brasileños de acuerdo con el ciclo electoral. La fundamentación teórica está basada en la teoría de la elección pública, ciclos políticos económicos, y gastos de personal. Este estudio se caracteriza como una investigación cuantitativa, pues se realizó una regresión lineal múltiple, con datos en panel, para cada ciclo electoral. Los datos fueron recolectados del Sistema de Información Contable y Fiscales del Sector Público Brasileño (SICONFI), el recorte temporal se refiere al año 1995 hasta 2016. Se concluye que los intereses políticos pueden ser evidenciados por medio de la influencia de las funciones ministeriales en los gastos de personal. Y también, que los intereses de los gestores son diferentes en cada ciclo ...

If for Ken Booth and Steve Smith theory is always for someone and for some purpose -- following Robert W. Cox's critical investigation -- their commitment with the real world begins right in the pages of a theory textbook. With this article, we set up to bring some light to what we think is one of the most crucial episodes in the recent IR disciplinary history. At the same time we set up to develop the critical potential of the discipline based on an approach that both recognizes the legacy of political realism -- but also of its shortcomings -- and the need to give voice to traditionally marginalized perspectives and interests. Adapted from the source document.

The Brazilian economy pulled by the aggregate demand. This article aims to present the demand-led growth theory and some empirical evidences for a demand-led growth regime in Brazil. First of all, we will do a brief review of the theory of demand led-growth, based in the seminal work of Kaldor (1988), for whom long-run growth is determined by the growth rate of consumption expenditures and the growth rate of exports. Based in the empirical methodology developed by Atesoglu (2002), we run some econometric tests for the hypothesis of demand-led growth for Brazilian economy. The results of such tests shown that near of 85% of GDP growth in Brazil in the period 1991-2005 is explained by variables at the demand side of the economy. Besides that, based in the methodology developed by Ledesma and Thirwall (2002), we shown that natural rate of growth for Brazilian economy is endogenous, increasing during boom times. This means that appears to be no restrictions in the supply side of the economy for a faster growth of Brazilian economy. Finally, we argue that a necessary condition for a sustained growth of Brazilian economy is the adoption of a export-led growth model. For such it is necessary to put an end on the actual over-valuation of real exchange rate. (Rev Econ Polit/GIGA)

The notion of public opinion as a process cannot be limited solely to the empirical basis of a theory, it must also focus on the position that this notion occupies with respect to the interpretation of society. Jürgen Habermas's approach to public opinion stems from his classic work on Bourgeois Advertising. Habermas constructs the Normative Theory of Democracy, which is based on the communicative conditions in which a Discursive Formation of the Opinion and Will of a public formed by the citizens of a State can take place as an unfolding of the analyzes about the public opinion. In this argumentative way, Habermas takes up the historical-philosophical project of modernity, attributing to the public opinion the function of legitimizing the political domain through a critical process of communication based on the principles of a rationally motivated consensus. The scope of this article is to make explicit the constitutive elements of the habermasian reflections on the Rational Formation of Opinion and Will, since it is from this primordial concept that we can understand the legitimation of the Rule of Law. We will trace what led the habermasian reflection to seek the conditions of an authentic participation of individuals in a public space, where there is responsibility and solidarity in the execution of the solutions of the problems of a community, and its consequent unfolding that leads to the theory of political power.

Jürgen Habermas is a modern thinker who presents us with a rationality capable of creating spaces of freedom that correspond to the ideals of social emancipation that have always crossed the horizon of Western modernity. Through several studies by this author, including critical contributions to his theory, we will develop his epistemological reflection and his relevant contribution to the renewal of German critical theory. We will begin by presenting his critique on positivism, and then summoning the dispute with Gadamer about hermeneutics. Habermas adopts hermeneutics, albeit with some criticism, as a facilitator of self-reflection that allows revealing to social sciences the errors of both objectivist social science and vulgar analysis of language. We will follow this thinker's perspective on the interests that guide knowledge and, finally, we will take into account his theory of communicative rationality, which stresses Habermas's universalist optimism, based on a healthy pluralism that allows human consensus.

O presente artigo parte da hipótese de que os retrocessos políticos vividos no Brasil desde o golpe parlamentar de 2016 mostram a tendência ao aumento de poder dos agentes hegemônicos do agronegócio atuantes no país e, consequentemente, a propensão ao agravamento das desigualdades socioespaciais, dos conflitos e da violência no campo e nas cidades. O principal objetivo é discutir o que consideramos alguns dos principais mitos e nós nos quais se escora o agronegócio, uma vez que julgamos que devem ser desfeitos para que possamos trilhar os caminhos para uma sociedade mais justa, igualitária e democrática. A metodologia estruturou-se nos fundamentos da pesquisa qualitativa. Concluímos que as formas-conteúdo do agronegócio são contestáveis e devem ser rejeitadas e substituídas por outras. ; La rédaction du présent article trouve son origine dans l'hypothèse voulant que les régressions politiques vécues au Brésil depuis le coup parlementaire de 2016 montrent la tendance de l'augmentation des pouvoirs des agents hégémoniques de l'agrobusiness en activité dans le pays et, par conséquent, la propension à l'explosion des inégalités sociales et territoriales, des conflits et de la violence à la campagne et dans les villes. L'objectif principal est d'aborder ce que nous comprenons comme étant certains des principaux mythes et nœuds s'appuyant sur l'agrobusiness, étant entendu que nous jugeons qu'ils demandent à être déconstruits afin que nous puissions tracer le chemin d'une société plus juste, égalitaire et démocratique. La méthodologie s'est structurée autour des fondements de la recherche qualitative. Nous concluons que les formes-contenu de l'agrobusiness sont contestables et doivent être refusées et remplacées par d'autres. ; The concept of this article starts from the hypothesis that since 2016's coup d'etat in Brazil political setbacks tend to increase the power of agribusiness hegemonic agents in the country. As a result, urban and rural social-spatial inequalities, conflicts and violence tend to worsen. The main objective is to discuss what is regarded as most supportive myths and nodes of agribusiness. That way, we assume such nodes and myths should be untied and undone, allowing us to tread the path to a fairer, more democratic and egalitarian society. The methodology is based upon qualitative research. As a conclusion, agribusiness "content-shapes" are dubious and should be refused, in order to be replaced by other ones.

Gareth Evans has proposed, in The Varieties of Reference, a theory of singular propositions which embody both Frege's speculations about sense (Sinn) and Russell's propositional object-dependence structure. For this purpose, he maintained that propositions containing empty singular terms, i.e., whose putatively denoted objects are non-existent, do not express any thoughts of this type. In this situation, someone who utters a sentence that contains an empty singular term can only express an apparent thought (Scheingedanke). Evans' interpretation of Frege was criticized in works of philosophers such as Bell (1990), Geirsson (2002) and Sainsbury (2002). In this article, I aim to continue this debate and review the objections against Evan's argument regarding the concept of Scheingedanke. I maintain that, though the work of these critics is based on a careful reading of Frege, it is not enough to dismiss Evan's thesis. Instead, I claim that his theory would be better appreciated in an epistemic, not purely exegetical, sphere. This appears to me to be closer to the author's intended approach regarding the theory of singular thoughts.

OBJETIVO: Descrever estudo de caso de intervenção de base comunitária, desenvolvido na perspectiva construcionista-emancipatória, para o controle das DST/Aids. MÉTODOS: Estudo descritivo desenvolvido no município de Manacapuru, Amazonas, de 1997-2004, sobre a utilização de procedimentos desenhados em colaboração com agentes governamentais, profissionais de saúde e comunidade. Foram levantados dados sobre a dinâmica da prostituição e a venda de preservativos na cidade, características comportamentais, avaliação do processo e da assistência às DST/Aids. Sincronicamente, estabeleceram-se ações de prevenção e assistência na rede pública de saúde às DST, centro de testagem, sistema de vigilância epidemiológica, e capacitação de trabalhadoras do sexo. RESULTADOS: Observou-se o fortalecimento das trabalhadoras do sexo como multiplicadoras e sua legitimação como cidadãs e agentes de saúde em projetos com travestis, homossexuais e escolares. Houve incremento da venda de preservativos na cidade, da utilização de preservativos entre trabalhadoras do sexo, redução das DST bacterianas e estabilização da ocorrência de infecção pelo HIV/Aids e sífilis congênita. A sustentabilidade do programa de intervenção estudado, organizado no âmbito do Sistema Único de Saude, foi estimulada pela pactuação política garantindo sede e orçamento regulamentado em lei municipal, e pelo debate permanente dos resultados do processo e programa. CONCLUSÕES: O estudo fortaleceu a noção de que o controle efetivo das DST/Aids depende de uma abordagem sinérgica que combine intervenções no plano individual (biológica-comportamental), sociocultural e programático. ; OBJECTIVE: To describe a case study of community-based intervention, developed in a constructionist-emancipatory framework to control STD/AIDS. METHODS: Descriptive study developed in the town of Manacapuru, in the state of Amazonas, from 1997 to 2004, focusing on procedures designed in collaboration with government agents, health professionals and the community. Data on the dynamics of prostitution and condom sales in this town, preventive practices and STD/AIDS care and process assessment were collected. Actions targeting STD prevention and care in the public healthcare system, a testing center, an epidemiological surveillance system and sex workers' qualification were established concomitantly. RESULTS: It was observed the strengthening of sex workers as peer educators and their legitimization as citizens and health agents in projects involving transvestites, homosexuals and students. There was an increase in condom sales in town, as well as in condom use among sex workers; reduction in bacterial STD; and stabilization of the incidence of HIV/AIDS infections and congenital syphilis. The sustainability of the intervention program studied, organized within the sphere of action of the Sistema Único de Saúde (National Health System), was promoted by a political pact, which guaranteed headquarters and municipal law-regulated budget, as well as by the constant debate over the process and program results. CONCLUSIONS: The study strengthened the notion that effective control of STD/AIDS depends on a synergic approach that combines interventions on individual (biological-behavioral), sociocultural and programmatic levels.