OBJETIVO: Descrever estudo de caso de intervenção de base comunitária, desenvolvido na perspectiva construcionista-emancipatória, para o controle das DST/Aids. MÉTODOS: Estudo descritivo desenvolvido no município de Manacapuru, Amazonas, de 1997-2004, sobre a utilização de procedimentos desenhados em colaboração com agentes governamentais, profissionais de saúde e comunidade. Foram levantados dados sobre a dinâmica da prostituição e a venda de preservativos na cidade, características comportamentais, avaliação do processo e da assistência às DST/Aids. Sincronicamente, estabeleceram-se ações de prevenção e assistência na rede pública de saúde às DST, centro de testagem, sistema de vigilância epidemiológica, e capacitação de trabalhadoras do sexo. RESULTADOS: Observou-se o fortalecimento das trabalhadoras do sexo como multiplicadoras e sua legitimação como cidadãs e agentes de saúde em projetos com travestis, homossexuais e escolares. Houve incremento da venda de preservativos na cidade, da utilização de preservativos entre trabalhadoras do sexo, redução das DST bacterianas e estabilização da ocorrência de infecção pelo HIV/Aids e sífilis congênita. A sustentabilidade do programa de intervenção estudado, organizado no âmbito do Sistema Único de Saude, foi estimulada pela pactuação política garantindo sede e orçamento regulamentado em lei municipal, e pelo debate permanente dos resultados do processo e programa. CONCLUSÕES: O estudo fortaleceu a noção de que o controle efetivo das DST/Aids depende de uma abordagem sinérgica que combine intervenções no plano individual (biológica-comportamental), sociocultural e programático. ; OBJECTIVE: To describe a case study of community-based intervention, developed in a constructionist-emancipatory framework to control STD/AIDS. METHODS: Descriptive study developed in the town of Manacapuru, in the state of Amazonas, from 1997 to 2004, focusing on procedures designed in collaboration with government agents, health professionals and the community. Data on the dynamics of prostitution and condom sales in this town, preventive practices and STD/AIDS care and process assessment were collected. Actions targeting STD prevention and care in the public healthcare system, a testing center, an epidemiological surveillance system and sex workers' qualification were established concomitantly. RESULTS: It was observed the strengthening of sex workers as peer educators and their legitimization as citizens and health agents in projects involving transvestites, homosexuals and students. There was an increase in condom sales in town, as well as in condom use among sex workers; reduction in bacterial STD; and stabilization of the incidence of HIV/AIDS infections and congenital syphilis. The sustainability of the intervention program studied, organized within the sphere of action of the Sistema Único de Saúde (National Health System), was promoted by a political pact, which guaranteed headquarters and municipal law-regulated budget, as well as by the constant debate over the process and program results. CONCLUSIONS: The study strengthened the notion that effective control of STD/AIDS depends on a synergic approach that combines interventions on individual (biological-behavioral), sociocultural and programmatic levels.
Partindo de um quadro teórico neo-gramsciano crítico à globalização, este artigo aplica a nova teoria do regionalismo (NTR) e a teoria do regionalismo regulatório (TRR) à sua análise e teorização dos tratados de comércio da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos da Nossa América (ALBA-TCP) como regionalismo contra-hegemônico na América Latina e Caribe (ALC). A ALBA está centrada na ideia de um Socialismo do Século XXI, que, como (inicialmente) também a Revolução Bolivariana da Venezuela, substitui a 'vantagem competitiva' pela 'vantagem cooperativa'. Em seu caráter de conjunto de processos multidimensionais e transnacionais a ALBA-TCP opera dentro de/transversalmente a um número de setores e escalas, ao mesmo passo que as transformações estruturais são movidas pela interação de agentes do Estado e agentes não estatais. A política de Educação Superior para Todos (ESPT) do governo venezuelano rejeita a agenda neoliberal globalizada de mercadorização, privatização e elitismo e reinvindica educação pública gratuita em todos os níveis como um direito humano fundamental. A ESPT está sendo regionalizado em um espaço educacional emergente da ALBA e assume um papel-chave nos processos de democracia direta e participatória, dos quais a construção popular (bottom-up) da contra-hegemonia e a redefinição política e econômica da ALC dependem. Antes de produzir sujeitos empreendedores conformes ao capitalismo global, a ESPT procura formar subjetividades ao longo de valores morais de solidariedade e cooperação. Isso será ilustrado com referência a um estudo etnográfico de caso da Universidade Bolivariana da Venezuela (UBV). ; This paper employs new regionalism theory and regulatory regionalism theory in its analysis and theorisation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as a counter-hegemonic Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) regionalism. As (initially) the regionalisation of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution, ALBA is centred around the idea of a 21st Century Socialism that replaces the 'competitive advantage' with the 'cooperative advantage'. ALBA, as a set of multi-dimensional inter- and transnational processes, operates within and across a range of sectors and scales whilst the structural transformations are driven by the interplay of state and non-state actors. The Venezuelan government's Higher Education For All (HEFA) policy, which is being regionalised within an emergent ALBA education space, assumes a key role in the direct democratic and participatory democratic processes upon which a bottom-up construction of counter-hegemony depends. HEFA challenges the globalised neoliberal higher education agenda of commoditisation, privatisation and elitism. Rather than producing enterprising subjects fashioned for global capitalism, HEFA seeks to form subjectivities along the moral values of solidarity and cooperation.
This article presents reflections on the Pedagogical Course Project (PPC) which challenges the participatory and interactive teaching-learning process among its agents to act in a complex, conflicting and diverse world. It argues that training in Architecture and Urbanism must combine technical training and scientific and critical reasoning with a view to solving old and new problems, in an inter and transdisciplinary way. Based on the necessary approaches for acting and coping with the contemporary world, the article is organized around three axes that also guided the construction of the PPC: 1. coping with the formation of the student as a technical-scientific and professional reflexive political subject, 2. the intersection of "little boxes" guiding the student's experience and structuring through a plot constructed by (i) agglutinating axes that favor the intersection of content and knowledge; (ii) integrated ateliers and studios mixing content, approaches and practices and (iii) transversal crossing lines, events that sew new forms of knowledge production and 3. themes, integrating contexts and experiences that extrapolate practices into activities beyond of classrooms, which aim towards the path of extension. In this environment, new student attitudes flourish, which advocate a more active role in the collective construction, not only of the training School, but of society in constant formation, within a general framework in permanent transformation, in which technology and imbalances constitute a constant and changing theme, in the search for another and necessary sense of the world for all of us. ; Este artigo apresenta reflexões sobre o Projeto Pedagógico de Curso (PPC) que tem como desafio o processo de ensino-aprendizado participativo e interativo entre seus agentes para atuarem em um mundo complexo, conflituoso e diverso. Defende que a formação em Arquitetura e Urbanismo, deve aliar capacitação técnica e raciocínio científico e crítico com vistas a resolver velhos e novos problemas, de modo inter e ...
The present study aimed to analyze the influence of expenditure by function in the expenditure with personnel of the Brazilian states according to the cycle. The theoretical foundation is based on the theory of public choice, economic political cycles, and personnel expenses. This study is characterized as a quantitative research, since a multiple linear regression with panel data was performed for each electoral cycle. The data were collected from the Accounting and Tax Information System of the Brazilian Public Sector (SICONFI), the time cut refers to the year 1995 to 2016. It is concluded that political interests can be evidenced through the influence of ministerial functions in the personnel expenses. And also, that the interests of managers are different in each electoral cycle, because they differ according to the need to meet the demands of the agents involved legitimizing themselves in power. The greatest positive influences found were related to energy and mineral resources in the electoral year (T0), judicial (T1) and commerce and services industry (T2), judicial (T3). The effect of the limits established by the fiscal responsibility law increased personnel expenses. ; El presente estudio objetivó analizar la influencia de los gastos por función en los gastos con personal de los estados brasileños de acuerdo con el ciclo electoral. La fundamentación teórica está basada en la teoría de la elección pública, ciclos políticos económicos, y gastos de personal. Este estudio se caracteriza como una investigación cuantitativa, pues se realizó una regresión lineal múltiple, con datos en panel, para cada ciclo electoral. Los datos fueron recolectados del Sistema de Información Contable y Fiscales del Sector Público Brasileño (SICONFI), el recorte temporal se refiere al año 1995 hasta 2016. Se concluye que los intereses políticos pueden ser evidenciados por medio de la influencia de las funciones ministeriales en los gastos de personal. Y también, que los intereses de los gestores son diferentes en cada ciclo ...
The paper analyzes the process of constitution of the Movimento de Educação de Base – MEB –, reflecting about the dynamics of relations between Church and State in Brazil, at a time when education in the rural environment was disputed by diverse social groups. Its objective is to understand how, within an officially secular state, an agreement can be signed and justified in which the Brazilian Government financed a movement proposed and coordinated by the Catholic Church. Theoretically based on the notions of elite groups and influence, it investigates the approximations between governmental and religious agents involved in establishing the agreement. Finally, it analyzes the decree formalizing the agreement, relating some of its main points with the previous process. ; El artículo analiza el proceso de constitución del Movimento de Educação de Base - MEB -, reflexionando sobre la dinámica de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado en Brasil, en un momento en que la educación en el medio rural era disputada por diversos grupos sociales. Tiene por objetivo comprender cómo, en un Estado oficialmente laico, pudo ser firmado y justificado un convenio en el cual el gobierno financió un movimiento propuesto y coordinado por la Iglesia Católica. Fundamentado teóricamente por las nociones de grupos de élite e influencia, investiga los acercamientos entre los agentes gubernamentales y religiosos involucrados en la consecución del acuerdo. Finalmente, analiza el decreto del convenio, relacionando sus puntos principales con el proceso antecedente. ; O artigo analisa o processo de constituição do Movimento de Educação de Base – MEB –, refletindo sobre a dinâmica das relações entre Igreja e Estado no Brasil, em um momento em que a educação no meio rural era disputada por diversos grupos sociais. Tem por objetivo compreender como, no interior de um Estado oficialmente laico, pôde ser firmado e justificado um convênio no qual o governo federal brasileiro financiou um movimento proposto e coordenado pela Igreja Católica. Embasando-se teoricamente nas noções de grupos de elite e influência, investiga as aproximações entre os agentes governamentais e religiosos envolvidos na consecução do acordo. Finalmente, analisa o decreto de formalização do convênio, relacionando alguns de seus pontos principais com o processo antecedente.
In this paper, the author summarizes his theory of development and underdevelopment, and he presents some ideas about the dependency relation, expressed in the center-periphery system, based on the concept of social surplus and its forms of appropriation and utilization. The paper states the frustrations of a reformist: Protectionism, that was justifiable in a first phase of industrialization, was maintained too long in Latin America; on the other hand, the populist risk was always present, while the real social problems related to a high level of income concentration were not solved
Com o reconhecimento inquestionável da falência das tentativas de Transição do capitalismo ao socialismo representadas pelo socialismo soviético e pela socialdemocracia européia, para muitos autores foi também definitivamente enterrada a possibilidade de superação do capitalismo. Neste artigo, veremos que não foi assim para outros. É nosso objetivo apresentar alguns elementos fundamentais sobre o significado atual da Transição tanto do ponto de vista da Teoria Democrática, como daTeoria Marxista. A análise aqui desenvolvida fundamenta-se, principalmente, na última obra de István Mészáros – Beyond Capital. Towards a Theory of Transition. ; The definitive death of the attempted Transitions from capitalism to socialismrepresented by Soviet socialism and European social-democracy also brought,for many authors, the burial of any possibility of going beyond capitalism. Inthis article, we will see that this is not the case for other authors. Our objectiveis to present some fundamental aspects of the current meaning of theTransition, from the point of view of Democratic Theory, as well as MarxistTheory. This analysis is based principally on the most recent work by IstvánMészáros, Beyond Capital. Towards a Theory of Transition.
The main objective of this article is to contribute to the discussion about the formation of suburbs in Brazil and its unfolding, bringing it closer to the context of Palmas city, capital of Tocantins, with an emphasis on the movements of the struggle for housing understood as subjects peripheral politicians. A compendium of analytical concepts and dimensions is presented, which is understood as key to the interpretation of the periphery in the contemporary city, followed by the presentation of a brief viewpoint about the creation of the Palmas city and the instantaneity of its periphery. As an arrival point, it is proposed an interpretation of the main aspects that underlie the predominance and persistence of the model of exclusionary urbanization under which it is constructed, based on the discourses found in field work and interviews with different agents of the production of the urban space, including representatives of local struggles for housing, subjects of urban conflicts involving the suburbs of the city. ; O presente artigo tem como objetivo principal contribuir com o debate acerca da formação das periferias no Brasil e seus desdobramentos, aproximando-o do contexto da cidade de Palmas, capital do Tocantins e com ênfase na atuação dos movimentos de luta pela moradia, entendidos enquanto sujeitos políticos periféricos. Apresenta-se, inicialmente, um compêndio de conceitos e dimensões analíticas que se entende como chave para a intepretação da periferização na cidade contemporânea, seguido pela apresentação de um breve panorama acerca da criação da cidade de Palmas e a instantaneidade da sua periferia. Como ponto de chegada, propõe-se uma interpretação dos principais aspectos que fundamentam a predominância e persistência do modelo de urbanização excludente sob o qual a mesma se constrói, tomando como base discursos encontrados em trabalho de campo e entrevistas realizadas com diferentes agentes da produção do espaço urbano, incluindo representantes de movimentos de luta por moradia locais, sujeitos de conflitos urbanos envolvendo as zonas periféricas da cidade.
The division found between the international and domestic structures in the definition of the states' international conduct has marked a significant part of the debate on international relations theory. Realism has been the target of criticism on the part of other approaches that tend to associate Realism with perspectives that are based essentially on the international sphere, in detriment of the domestic structure. New Realist perspectives, ranging from Statism to Structural Realism and Neoclassical Realism strive to oppose it, by attempting to extend to the domestic sphere the normative and empirical principles of the Classical Realism and the Neorealism. Adapted from the source document.
O presente artigo parte da hipótese de que os retrocessos políticos vividos no Brasil desde o golpe parlamentar de 2016 mostram a tendência ao aumento de poder dos agentes hegemônicos do agronegócio atuantes no país e, consequentemente, a propensão ao agravamento das desigualdades socioespaciais, dos conflitos e da violência no campo e nas cidades. O principal objetivo é discutir o que consideramos alguns dos principais mitos e nós nos quais se escora o agronegócio, uma vez que julgamos que devem ser desfeitos para que possamos trilhar os caminhos para uma sociedade mais justa, igualitária e democrática. A metodologia estruturou-se nos fundamentos da pesquisa qualitativa. Concluímos que as formas-conteúdo do agronegócio são contestáveis e devem ser rejeitadas e substituídas por outras. ; La rédaction du présent article trouve son origine dans l'hypothèse voulant que les régressions politiques vécues au Brésil depuis le coup parlementaire de 2016 montrent la tendance de l'augmentation des pouvoirs des agents hégémoniques de l'agrobusiness en activité dans le pays et, par conséquent, la propension à l'explosion des inégalités sociales et territoriales, des conflits et de la violence à la campagne et dans les villes. L'objectif principal est d'aborder ce que nous comprenons comme étant certains des principaux mythes et nœuds s'appuyant sur l'agrobusiness, étant entendu que nous jugeons qu'ils demandent à être déconstruits afin que nous puissions tracer le chemin d'une société plus juste, égalitaire et démocratique. La méthodologie s'est structurée autour des fondements de la recherche qualitative. Nous concluons que les formes-contenu de l'agrobusiness sont contestables et doivent être refusées et remplacées par d'autres. ; The concept of this article starts from the hypothesis that since 2016's coup d'etat in Brazil political setbacks tend to increase the power of agribusiness hegemonic agents in the country. As a result, urban and rural social-spatial inequalities, conflicts and violence tend to worsen. The main objective is to discuss what is regarded as most supportive myths and nodes of agribusiness. That way, we assume such nodes and myths should be untied and undone, allowing us to tread the path to a fairer, more democratic and egalitarian society. The methodology is based upon qualitative research. As a conclusion, agribusiness "content-shapes" are dubious and should be refused, in order to be replaced by other ones.
[ES] El Plan Tecnológico de Educación, donde se incluye el programa, e.escolinha, aunque sometido a un juicio social y político, es el programa educativo más audaz en lo que respeta la modernización tecnológica en Portugal. La ejecución del plan se centra en tres dimensiones diferentes si bien complementarias: I) medida estructural de base tecnológica que se aplicará en todas las escuelas, II) diseño de una red de desarrollo y distribución en línea de contenidos educativos y servicios, III) aplicación de programas didácticos para consolidar los conocimientos en Tecnologías de la Información e la Comunicación de alumnos y profesores. La grandeza del programa se comprueba en la intención política de poner a Portugal en los cinco primeros países europeos con la mayor y mejor infraestructura tecnológica de su red escolar. Para lograr este osado objetivo, el plan abarca tres objetivos operativos anunciados para el año 2010: (I) la velocidad de conexión a Internet (48 Mbps), (II) dos alumnos por ordenador con conexión a Internet, (III) 90% de los maestros con certificación en las TIC. Se presenta como objetivo primordial la necesidad de "lograr un uso efectivo de ordenadores portátiles en el contexto de aprendizaje, en particular en la aula". Es en este panorama de aceptación por parte de la sociedad civil de su materialización, paralelamente con la popularidad que ganó el ordenador Magalhães entre los alunos que es importante reflejar y poner a prueba las perspectivas para el cambio a que las escuelas de hoy son obligadas. El estudio se centra, aunque en una amplia gama de agentes, sobre todo en la reflexión que este cambio va a acarrear en los docentes como agentes operantes de las políticas y de las prácticas educativas, pero también percibir el impacto del programa en las prácticas pedagógicas y en el aprendizaje de los alumnos. ; [EN] The Education Technology Plan, which includes the program, e.escolinha, though subject to a social and political judgment, is the boldest educational program in what respects the technological modernization in Portugal. Implementation of the plan focuses on three different but complementary dimensions: I) technology-based structural measures to be implemented in all schools, II) network design development and online distribution of educational content and services, III) application educational programs to consolidate knowledge in Information Technology and Communication of students and teachers. The program greatness is found in the political intention of putting Portugal in the first five European countries with the highest and best technological infrastructure of their school network. To achieve this bold goal, the plan covers three operational objectives announced for the year 2010: (I) the Internet connection speed (48 Mbps), (II) two students per computer with Internet access, (III) 90% of certified teachers in ICT. It occurs as a primary objective the need to "make effective use of laptops in the learning environment, particularly in the classroom." It is in this context of acceptance by civil society to materialize, in parallel with the popularity gained among alunos Magalhães computer it is important to reflect and test the prospects for change that schools today are required. The study focuses, but in a wide range of agents, especially in the reflection that this change will result in teachers as agents of political operative and educational practices, but also feel the impact of the program in teaching practices and learning of students.
Raymond Aron's international and strategic thought is inextricably linked to his own critical philosophy of history, as he conceived it in the 1930s, after spending a period of time in Germany. Influenced by pacifist philosopher Alain, Aron is converted to realism, which is put to the test by the 20th century wars. It is not advisable, however, to associate Aron tout court to the strict Anglo-american realism of Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz. Against the construction of a general theory of International Relations based on model-building, he is the harbinger of a historical sociology of Weberian inspiration, seeking to render the international scene intelligible in its peculiar complexity. Adapted from the source document.
This paper does a documentation and bibliography revision, contained in the field of study of human rights education (HRE), the social quality of school education from the analysis of its institutionality at the educational regulatory framework instituted after the Federal Constitution of 1988. Such legislative acts delegated an innovative role to schools to act as a space in charge of protecting the rights of children and teenagers. However, what is found is that the school environment still constitutes as a place for schooling based on the labor logic and by the ideal of abundance of consumption as way to achieve happiness. It is proposed, based on the above, that the protective school act from a dynamic distribution of knowledge transforming the liberal maxim of equal opportunities and meritocracy into state intervention, such as social justice. For such, education as a fundamental right, and the school as a platform of social protection should assimilate traits that go beyond simple knowledge socialization, and should cover principles such as totality, availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability. In this way, we conceive HRE as indispensable to the formation of agents capable of potentiating the school as a space of social protection. Such education should be, thus, constitutive of the professional identity of those who work in schools and other institutions that are part of the social protection network in the system of rights assurance. ; Problematiza-se neste artigo de revisão documental e bibliográfica, pertencente à área de estudos em Educação em Direitos Humanos (EDH), a qualidade social da educação escolar a partir da análise da sua institucionalidade no marco normativo educacional instituído após a Constituição Federal de 1988. Tais atos legislativos legalizam uma função inovadora para a escola, a de ser e atuar como espaço protetivo de direitos de crianças e adolescentes. No entanto, o que se constata é que o ambiente escolar ainda se constitui como lugar da escolarização baseada na lógica do trabalho e do ideal de abundância do consumo como sinônimo de felicidade. Propõe-se, a partir do exposto, que a escola protetiva atue a partir de uma dinâmica distributiva de saberes transformando a máxima liberal da igualdade de oportunidades e meritocracia em intervenção estatal pela educação equitativa, como justiça social. Para tal, a educação como direito humano fundamental, e a escola como espaço de proteção social devem assimilar características que vão além da simples socialização de conteúdos instrucionais, devendo abranger princípios como totalidade, disponibilidade, acessibilidade, aceitabilidade e adaptabilidade. Dessa forma, concebemos EDH como indispensável à formação de agentes capazes de potencializar a escola como espaço de proteção social. Referida formação deve ser, portanto, constitutiva da identidade profissional dos que atuam na escola e nas demais instituições componentes da rede de proteção social no sistema de garantia de direitos.
This paper aims to discuss the socio-economic regimes that allow the realization of justice as fairness, focusing in particular on the two regimes pointed out by Rawls as capable of constituting a well-ordered society, the property-owning democracy (POD) on the one hand and liberal socialism on the other. To this end, we will first consider Rawls' arguments regarding socio-economic regimes within A theory of justice. Then, based on Justice as fairness: a restatement, the arguments in favor of POD and liberal socialism and against the other three options: laissez-faire capitalism, one-party state socialism, and the welfare state will be discussed. Next, the arguments in favor of either POD or liberal socialism will be considered, largely seeking to draw what the distinctions between the two regimes are, from those authors who seek to go beyond Rawls. At the end, it is concluded that within the limits of a theory of justice Rawls is correct in not defining who is the winning regime, the POD or liberal socialism, but in the current advance of liberal capitalism and its movement away from liberal democracies it shows necessary to discuss which is the most adequate regime from the bases provided by justice as fairness.
ABSTRACT. The research aims to reflect on the Modular Teaching Organization System (SOME) based on a case study at Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Focusing on supply and operation, in addition to understanding the process of acceptance of the Interactive Educational System (SEI) by the community. The approach was quali-quantitative, with interviews, collection and processing of secondary data and documentary research. Secondary education in this community is the result of collective social struggle, with an increase in the number of enrollments from 2003 to 2019, as well as a decrease in the number of dropouts. Despite the challenges of ensuring the supply of subjects, teachers and infrastructure, SOME was defended by the school community for guaranteeing access to secondary education in the countryside. The local community does not support replacement by the SEI presented by the state government as a pilot proposal, considering that there will be a loss in the quality of education and a devaluation of teachers. Popular participation in the definition of public educational policies is not a priority for public agents, who continue to define them without discussion with society. ; ABSTRACT. The research aims to reflect on the Modular Teaching Organization System (SOME) based on a case study at Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Focusing on supply and operation, in addition to understanding the process of acceptance of the Interactive Educational System (SEI) by the community. The approach was quali-quantitative, with interviews, collection and processing of secondary data and documentary research. Secondary education in this community is the result of collective social struggle, with an increase in the number of enrollments from 2003 to 2019, as well as a decrease in the number of dropouts. Despite the challenges of ensuring the supply of subjects, teachers and infrastructure, SOME was defended by the school community for guaranteeing access to secondary education in the countryside. The local community does not support replacement by the SEI presented by the state government as a pilot proposal, considering that there will be a loss in the quality of education and a devaluation of teachers. Popular participation in the definition of public educational policies is not a priority for public agents, who continue to define them without discussion with society. ; RESUMEN. La investigación tiene como objetivo reflexionar sobre el Sistema Modular de Organización de la Enseñanza (SOME) a partir de un estudio de caso en la Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Centrándose en la oferta y operación, además de comprender el proceso de aceptación del Sistema Educativo Interactivo (SEI) por la comunidad. El enfoque fue cuali-cuantitativo, con entrevistas, recolección y procesamiento de datos secundarios e investigación documental. La educación secundaria en esta comunidad es el resultado de la lucha social colectiva, con un aumento en el número de matrículas de 2003 a 2019, así como una disminución en el número de abandonos. A pesar de los desafíos de asegurar la oferta de asignaturas, docentes e infraestructura, SOME fue defendido por la comunidad escolar para garantizar el acceso a la educación secundaria en el campo. La comunidad local no apoya el reemplazo por el SEI presentado por el gobierno estatal como una propuesta piloto, considerando que habrá una pérdida en la calidad de la educación y una devaluación de los docentes. La participación popular en la definición de políticas públicas educativas no es una prioridad para los agentes públicos, quienes continúan definiéndolas sin discusión con la sociedad. ; ABSTRACT. The research aims to reflect on the Modular Teaching Organization System (SOME) based on a case study at Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Focusing on supply and operation, in addition to understanding the process of acceptance of the Interactive Educational System (SEI) by the community. The approach was quali-quantitative, with interviews, collection and processing of secondary data and documentary research. Secondary education in this community is the result of collective social struggle, with an increase in the number of enrollments from 2003 to 2019, as well as a decrease in the number of dropouts. Despite the challenges of ensuring the supply of subjects, teachers and infrastructure, SOME was defended by the school community for guaranteeing access to secondary education in the countryside. The local community does not support replacement by the SEI presented by the state government as a pilot proposal, considering that there will be a loss in the quality of education and a devaluation of teachers. Popular participation in the definition of public educational policies is not a priority for public agents, who continue to define them without discussion with society. ; A pesquisa tem como objetivo refletir sobre o Sistema de Organização Modular de Ensino (SOME) a partir do estudo de caso na Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Buscou-se sistematizar parte da trajetória do ensino médio modular das escolas do campo no município, com enfoque na oferta e funcionamento, além de compreender o processo de aceitação do Sistema Educacional Interativo (SEI) pela comunidade. A pesquisa tem ancoragem na abordagem quali-quantitativa com a realização de entrevistas, coleta e tratamento de dados secundários e pesquisa documental. O ensino médio nessa comunidade é fruto da luta social coletiva, ocorrendo o aumento no número de matrículas de 2003 a 2019, assim como a diminuição do número de alunos evadidos. Apesar dos desafios de assegurar a oferta das disciplinas, professores e de infraestrutura, o SOME foi defendido pela comunidade escolar por garantir o acesso ao ensino médio no campo. A comunidade local não apoia substituição pelo SEI apresentado pelo governo estadual como proposta piloto, considerando que haverá perda na qualidade da educação e desvalorização dos docentes. A participação popular na definição de políticas públicas educacionais não é prioridade dos agentes públicos, que continuam definindo-as sem a discussão com a sociedade. Palavras-chave: educação do campo, ensino médio, ensino modular. The challenges of educational systems adopted in Modular High School in the countryside at Rui Barbosa School, Medicilândia, Pará ABSTRACT. The research aims to reflect on the Modular Teaching Organization System (SOME) based on a case study at Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Focusing on supply and operation, in addition to understanding the process of acceptance of the Interactive Educational System (SEI) by the community. The approach was quali-quantitative, with interviews, collection and processing of secondary data and documentary research. Secondary education in this community is the result of collective social struggle, with an increase in the number of enrollments from 2003 to 2019, as well as a decrease in the number of dropouts. Despite the challenges of ensuring the supply of subjects, teachers and infrastructure, SOME was defended by the school community for guaranteeing access to secondary education in the countryside. The local community does not support replacement by the SEI presented by the state government as a pilot proposal, considering that there will be a loss in the quality of education and a devaluation of teachers. Popular participation in the definition of public educational policies is not a priority for public agents, who continue to define them without discussion with society. Keywords: rural education, high school, modular teaching. Los desafíos de los sistemas educativos adoptados en la Escuela Secundaria Modular en el campo en la Escuela Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará RESUMEN. La investigación tiene como objetivo reflexionar sobre el Sistema Modular de Organización de la Enseñanza (SOME) a partir de un estudio de caso en la Escola Rui Barbosa, Medicilândia, Pará. Centrándose en la oferta y operación, además de comprender el proceso de aceptación del Sistema Educativo Interactivo (SEI) por la comunidad. El enfoque fue cuali-cuantitativo, con entrevistas, recolección y procesamiento de datos secundarios e investigación documental. La educación secundaria en esta comunidad es el resultado de la lucha social colectiva, con un aumento en el número de matrículas de 2003 a 2019, así como una disminución en el número de abandonos. A pesar de los desafíos de asegurar la oferta de asignaturas, docentes e infraestructura, SOME fue defendido por la comunidad escolar para garantizar el acceso a la educación secundaria en el campo. La comunidad local no apoya el reemplazo por el SEI presentado por el gobierno estatal como una propuesta piloto, considerando que habrá una pérdida en la calidad de la educación y una devaluación de los docentes. La participación popular en la definición de políticas públicas educativas no es una prioridad para los agentes públicos, quienes continúan definiéndolas sin discusión con la sociedad. Palabras-clave: educación rural, escuela secundaria, enseñanza modular.