Donor aid is often regarded as being informally tied (aid increases donorrecipient exports) and this effect is, in general, interpreted as being harmful to aid recipients. However, in this paper, using a gravity model, we show that aid is also positively associated with recipient-donor exports. That is, aid increases bilateral trade ows in both directions. Our interpretation is that an intensi ed aid relation reduces the e ective cost of geographic distance. We find a particularly strong relation between aid in the form of technical assistance and exports in both directions. When we disaggregate aid to specifically study the effects from trade-related assistance (Aid for Trade) the effect is small and fully accounted for by aid to investments in trade-related infrastructure. Our sample includes all 184 countries for which data is available during the period 1990 to 2005.
This paper measures and compares fragmentation in aid sectors. Past studies focused on aggregate country data but a sector analysis provides a better picture of fragmentation. We start by counting the number of aid projects in the developing world and find that, in 2007, more than 90 000 projects were running simultaneously. Project proliferation is on a steep upward trend and will certainly be reinforced by the emergence of new donors. Developing countries with the largest numbers of aid projects have more than 2 000 in a single year. In parallel to this boom of aid projects, there has been a major shift towards social sectors and, as a consequence, these are the most fragmented. We quantify fragmentation in each aid sector for donors and recipients and identify which exhibit the highest fragmentation. While fragmentation is usually seen as an issue when it is excessive, we also show that some countries suffer from too little fragmentation. An original contribution of this paper is to develop a monopoly index that identifies countries where a donor enjoys monopoly power. Finally, we characterise countries with high fragmentation levels. Countries that are poor, democratic and have a large population get more fragmented aid. However, this is only because poor and democratic countries attract more donors. Once we control for the number of donors in a country-sector, democratic countries do not appear different from non-democratic ones in any sector and poor countries actually have a slightly less fragmented aid allocation.
"HIV/AIDS is a slow-moving, devastating shock that kills the most productive members of society, increases household dependency ratios, reduces household productivity and caring capacity, and impairs the intergenerational transfer of knowledge. It is socially invisible, complicated by silence, denial, stigma, and discrimination. While it affects both rich and poor, it is the poor who are most severely impacted. Though it affects both sexes, it is not gender neutral. Though AIDS is far more than just another health problem, many development organizations have yet to undertake thorough analyses of its impact on what they do and how they do it. Even fewer have actually changed their policies and procedures to adjust to the new realities. In the era of AIDS, food and nutrition security is becoming even more of a priority for many households and communities. We know that food and nutrition are fundamentally intertwined with HIV transmission and the impacts of AIDS. Evidence of the ways in which food insecurity and malnutrition may increase susceptibility to HIV as well as vulnerability to AIDS impacts, and how HIV/AIDS in turn exacerbates these conditions is increasingly well documented. Food and nutrition security is fundamentally relevant to all four of the conventional pillars of HIV/AIDS response -- prevention, care, treatment, and mitigation --and food aid can be an important addition to the arsenal. This paper, based on a detailed review of the relevant literature and the findings of a mission to eastern and southern Africa, highlights the implications of the HIV/AIDS pandemic for food aid strategy and programming. By viewing food aid programs through an "HIV/AIDS lens" and in the context of a livelihoods approach, the authors argue that organizations can design effective interventions that reduce both susceptibility to HIV and vulnerability to AIDS impacts. Though there is little empirical evidence regarding the effectiveness of food aid in responding to HIV/AIDS, the authors argue this should not constrain action. Using past experience as a guide, organizations can learn by doing, documenting, and continuously reassessing their programs using the evolving HIV/AIDS lens. By doing so, they ensure maximal relevance and impact." -- from Authors' Abstract ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; GRP33; Health, Diet and Nutrition; RENEWAL ; FCND
Foreign aid from China is often characterized as "rogue aid" that is not guided by recipient need but by China"s national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China"s aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China"s allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China"s allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China"s aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China"s allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as "rogue aid" seems unjustified. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
Foreign aid from China is often characterized as rogue aid that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as rogue aid seems unjustified.
Foreign aid from China is often characterized as 'rogue aid' that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical staff and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as 'rogue aid' seems unjustified.
The Following books all pertain to AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome). The books pictured are listed below in order from left to right. Shilts, R. (1987). And the Band Played On: Politics, People, and the AIDS Epidemic . New York, NY: St. Martins Press. Drench, M. E. (1998). Red Ribbons Are Not Enough: Health Caregivers' Stories About AIDS . Wilsonville, OR: Book Partners, Inc. Note: The Book Red Ribbons Are Not Enough has book store stickers on the spine and back cover. ; https://digitalcommons.molloy.edu/nur_hagan/1856/thumbnail.jpg
Foreign aid looms large in the public discourse; and international development assistance remains squarely on most policy agendas concerned with growth, poverty and inequality in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. The present review takes a retrospective look at how foreign aid has evolved since World War II in response to a dramatically changing global political and economic context. I review the aid process and associated trends in the volume and distribution of aid and categorize some of the key goals, principles and institutions of the aid system. The evidence on whether aid has been effective in furthering economic growth and development is discussed in some detail. I add perspective and identify some critical unresolved issues. I finally turn to the current development debate and discuss some key concerns, which I believe should be kept in mind in formulating any agenda for aid in the future
The present paper examines the impact of different aid types, namely project aid, programme aid, technical assistance and food aid on the fiscal sector of the aid-recipient economy by using time-series data for Côte d'Ivoire over the period 1975–99. Empirical results obtained by estimating correctly the solution of the theoretical model show that when a single value (or aggregated) for aid is used, foreign aid is fully consumed in the case of Côte d'Ivoire. However, results obtained under the assumption of aid heterogeneity clearly suggest that the government responds differently according to the nature of the aid inflows. Our approach sheds plenty of light on how the aid-recipient government reacts to different categories of foreign aid inflows and the empirical findings clearly demonstrate the importance of the aid disaggregation approach for delving deeper into aid effectiveness issues.
Norwegian Peoples Aid has a longstanding tradition of closely linking our international solidarity work and cooperation with people's own initiatives and agendas. This implies the strengthening of their organisations as a strategy for the. empowerment of people and communities, as well as for their ability to influence the conditions under which they live. Such focus and purpose are reflected in NPA's support of liberation movements and people's organisations in communities where open conflict exists as well as in societies in the process of democratisation. These intentions are also reflected in NPA's statements regarding its governing principles as well as in policy documents. NPA's implementation of these principles relates to the purposes underlying the cooperation with our partners. NPA has a great deal of experience. We have seen that the manner in which we relate to, and cooperate with, locally based partner organisations is crucial also to our own purpose of supporting people's organizations and initiatives. This document is a revised version of the earlier approved policy "NPAs Partnership Cooperation in civil society". NPA´s strategy is to work in partnership, first and foremost with civil society organisations. The strengthening of civil society is a key element in this strategy that aims at promoting democratization and an equitable distribution of power and resources.
Norwegian People's Aid is a membership organisation that was founded in 1939. We are the humanitarian organisation of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (LO), built on the same fundamental values: Unity, solidarity and human dignity. The value basis for Norwegian People's Aid is rooted in equal rights for all, irrespective of gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, disability and social status. Norwegian People's Aid shall be a credible, fearless organisation that challenges power and injustice and adopts independent standpoints on the basis of knowledge and experience from practical work. Our vision, Solidarity in Action, characterises our work and involvement. Our work is based on solidarity, not charity. The core activities of Norwegian People's Aid are divided into two main areas: Fair distribution of power and resources and Protection of life and health. Within this framework, we work both domestically and internationally. Contents: This is Norwegian People's Aid Highlights and challenges 2017 Income from marketing work Work with refugees and social inclusion First aid and rescue services National and international solidarity Democratisation and fair distribution Humanitarian disarmament Anti-corruption and whistleblowing Income and expenditure 2017 Activity accounts and notes Annual report of the Board of Directors Auditors report
Our vision Solidarity in action is the vision of Norwegian People's Aid. Our efforts are based on cooperation between equal partners – not charity. Our foundation Norwegian People's Aid is the labour movement's humanitarian organisation for solidarity. Our mission We work both nationally and internationally to improve the living conditions of vulnerable groups and to contributeto a just society. We support people so that they may protect and promote their own interests. Our reach Norwegian People's Aid is active in 40 countries. We work with development cooperation through partner organisations. In Norway, we work with refugee and integration issues, and our health and rescue teams make an important contribution to voluntary national preparedness. Foreword by the Secretary General Good supporters Political influence Norwegian People's Aid around the world Anniversary year 2014 Refugee and integration work Democracy and the right to organise Crisis in 2014 Humanitarian emergency relief Rescue service and first aid Humanitarian disarmament Democracy and campaigns Open and active against corruption Income and expenses Financial statements
Norwegian people's aid is a membership organisation which was founded in 1939. We are the labour movement's humanitarian organisation for solidarity. The foundation of our organisation rests upon the labour movement's fundamental values: Unity, solidarity and human dignity. The value basis for Norwegian People's Aid is rooted in equal rights for all, irrespective of sex, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, disability and social status. Norwegian People's Aid shall be a credible, fearless organisation; an organisation which adopts independent standpoints on the basis of knowledge and experience from practical work and which challenges power and injustice. "Solidarity in Action" is our vision and characterises our work and involvement. Our work is based on solidarity, not charity. Norwegian People's Aid works within two strategic areas: Just distribution of power and resources and protection of life and health. Foreword from the chairman Income from marketing work General assembly 2015 Political influence 2015 FIRST AID AND RESCUE SERVICES WORK FOR REFUGEES AND SOCIAL INCLUSION HUMANITARIAN DISARMAMENT DEVELOPMENT HUMANITARIAN RELIEF DEMOCRACY AND CAMPAIGNING Work against corruption Norsk Folkehjelps inntekter og utgifter i 2015 Financial Statement Annual report of the Board of Directors 2015 Auditor's report
Norwegian People's Aid is a membership organisation that was founded in 1939. We are the labour movement's humanitarian organisation for solidarity. The foundation of our organisation rests on the labour movement's fundamental values: Unity, solidarity and human dignity. The value basis for Norwegian People's Aid is rooted in equal rights for all, irrespective of gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, disability and social status. Norwegian People's Aid shall be a credible, fearless organisation; an organisation which adopts independent standpoints on the basis of knowledge and experience from practical work, and which challenges power and injustice. 'Solidarity in action' is our vision and characterises our work and involvement. Our work is based on solidarity, not charity. Norwegian People's Aid works within two strategic areas: Fair distribution of power and resources and Protection of life and health. CONTENTS A strong, united organisation Income from marketing work The trade union movement Political influence First aid and rescue services Work with refugees and social inclusion Humanitarian disarmament Democratisation and fair distribution Solidarity at home and abroad Work against corruption Income and expenditure 2016 Accounts Annual report of the Board of Directors 2016
This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Elsevier via http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.10.010 ; The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has often asserted that its programs encourage aid by signaling policy credibility, commonly referred to as aid catalysis. Our study investigates this claim for sector-specific aid and for bilateral and multilateral donors using data on 136 recipient countries for the 1986–2009 period. We employ a two-part quantitative model to match the donor decision-making process, consisting of a first-stage recipient selection equation and a second-stage allocation equation on selected recipients. We find strong support that IMF programs catalyze aid on aggregate, but the evidence varies across different types of aid. Aid catalysis is stronger and more robust in sectors linked to the IMF's core competency areas, namely debt-related relief and general budget support, but weaker and less robust for infrastructure, production, multisector, and humanitarian aid, and non-existent for health and education. Across donors, IMF programs are associated with increases in aid by countries with larger voting shares in the IMF, such as the United States and Japan, but less so by countries with few votes or for multilateral agencies. This finding is consistent with research in international political economy arguing that the IMF's powerful stakeholders drive the organization's decisions and policies. Taken together, our findings emphasize the IMF's multi-dimensional impact on the global development agenda—an erstwhile overlooked factor in studies of aid allocation—while refuting the purported positive effects of IMF programs on aid for social policy. ; The authors acknowledge funding by the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET Grant INO13-00020: "The Political Economy of Structural Adjustment").
