The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA.
Yersinia pestis (formerly Pasteurella pestis) is a type of bacterium. It is believed to have been responsible for plagues of the early 1300s. More accurately, it is a Gram-negative rod-shaped coccobacillus. It is a facultative anaerobe that can infect humans and other animals. Human Y. pestis infection takes three main forms: pneumonic, septicemic, and bubonic plagues. All three forms are widely believed to have been responsible for a number of high-mortality epidemics throughout human history, including the Justinianic Plague of the sixth century and the Black Death that accounted for the death of at least one-third of the European population between 1347 and 1353. It has now been shown conclusively that these plagues originated in rodent populations in China. More recently, Y. pestis has gained attention as a possible biological warfare agent and the CDC has classified it as a category A pathogen requiring preparation for a possible terrorist attack. Every year, thousands of cases of plague are still reported to the World Health Organization, although, with proper treatment, the prognosis for victims is now much better. A five- to six-fold increase in cases occurred in Asia during the time of the Vietnam war, possibly due to the disruption of ecosystems and closer proximity between people and animals. Plague also has a detrimental effect on non-human mammals. In the United States of America, animals such as the black-tailed prairie dog and the endangered black-footed ferret are under threat from the disease.
Russian Federation in Franco‑American relations during the post‑Cold‑War period. This article analyzes the role of Russia in the relations between 5th French Republic and United States of America after 1989. The manuscript suggests that Franco‑American relations in the Russian dimension are based not only on the elements of cooperation but also on rivalry. However it has to be noted, that the reasons of activity in this area are different. On the one hand, French politics focus mostly on European and economic dimension. On the other hand, Russian‑American relations are connected mostly with international security, nonproliferation and disarmament issues. The significance of Russian Federation in bilateral relations is important in the context of main challenges for international security. Despite some differences between France and USA, both countries understand that only the cooperation with Russia will allow to cope with the dangers of the 21st century.
The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.
Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.
The world and also the United States of America are not any safer by undertaking countermeasures after the 9/11 attacks. Finding the adequate modus vivendi in the new situation is the priority of the European Union. What is the purpose and what is the consequence of the aggressive attitude of Islamic radicals toward the Western World? Does this aggression derive from the ideology of hatred against the Western World and its values or is it rather a result of previous actions of the USA and its allies before and after the attacks on America? What has been done in the military and social-economy level to improve the security of the European states in terms of terrorist attacks? And finally what actions should be undertaken to increase the safety level of the Europeans and to decline the risk of terrorist attacks? First section of this article is devoted to the reason for terrorist attacks beginning from early 1990's until the tragic final in September 2001. It concentrates on reasons for the frustration of the Islamic radicals driving to acts of terror against military staff, institutions and civilians. Afterwards appears the American response – Bush's doctrine with its fundamental pillars: unilateralism, fight against states supporting terrorism, right to the pre-emptive strike and the introduction of democracy there, where the aggressive regimes are present. The Europe follows the American path and must handle its effects. Consequently the Europeans marginalized the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Organization by participating in wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan under the auspices of Washington. The last chapter about the social and economic dimension of the European fight against terrorism describes stereotypes between Europeans and Muslims which show no tendency to decline. On the opposite the tendency shows the increasing feeling of mistrust. Concerning economy the lack of strong business bonds is the reason for the lack of further cooperation and might indirectly lead to the aggressive attitude and the rise of radical ideologies. Poverty and the lack of perspectives is the basis for fundamentalism.
The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.
The world and also the United States of America are not any safer by undertaking countermeasures after the 9/11 attacks. Finding the adequate modus vivendi in the new situation is the priority of the European Union. What is the purpose and what is the consequence of the aggressive attitude of Islamic radicals toward the Western World? Does this aggression derive from the ideology of hatred against the Western World and its values or is it rather a result of previous actions of the USA and its allies before and after the attacks on America? What has been done in the military and social-economy level to improve the security of the European states in terms of terrorist attacks? And finally what actions should be undertaken to increase the safety level of the Europeans and to decline the risk of terrorist attacks? First section of this article is devoted to the reason for terrorist attacks beginning from early 1990's until the tragic final in September 2001. It concentrates on reasons for the frustration of the Islamic radicals driving to acts of terror against military staff, institutions and civilians. Afterwards appears the American response – Bush's doctrine with its fundamental pillars: unilateralism, fight against states supporting terrorism, right to the pre-emptive strike and the introduction of democracy there, where the aggressive regimes are present. The Europe follows the American path and must handle its effects. Consequently the Europeans marginalized the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Organization by participating in wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan under the auspices of Washington. The last chapter about the social and economic dimension of the European fight against terrorism describes stereotypes between Europeans and Muslims which show no tendency to decline. On the opposite the tendency shows the increasing feeling of mistrust. Concerning economy the lack of strong business bonds is the reason for the lack of further cooperation and might indirectly lead to the aggressive attitude and the rise of radical ideologies. Poverty and the lack of perspectives is the basis for fundamentalism.
Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.
Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.
Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.
The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.
The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.
Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.
Rozwój koncepcji amerykańskiego systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej jest procesem sięgającym w swej historii epoki zimnej wojny. Szybki rozwój techniki wojskowej i skomplikowana sytuacja polityczna na arenie międzynarodowej sprawiły, iż groźba ta była jak najbardziej realna. Odpowiedzią na narastające zagrożenie stały się kolejno tworzone programy Nike-Zeus, Nike X, Sentinel oraz Safeguard. Przełomem w tworzeniu coraz to nowocześniejszych systemów obrony stał się podpisany 26 maja 1972 roku w Moskwie roku "Układ między Związkiem Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich a Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki o ograniczeniu systemów obrony przeciwrakietowej". Powrót do idei stworzenia systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej nastąpił za prezydentury Ronalda Reagana i trwa do dzisiaj. Zmianie uległy jednakże zadania stojące przed takim programem. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny i upadku ZSRR zagrożenia nie stanowiło już jedno wrogie państwo komunistyczne, lecz tzw. "państwa zbójeckie. Rozmowy na temat rozmieszczenia "tarczy antyrakietowej" w Polsce i Czechach wywołały protest w Rosji, która obawia się zbliżenia infrastruktury amerykańskiej do swoich granic, co znacznie skomplikowało proces negocjacyjny. Dodatkową trudność spowodowała decyzja Kongresu, który przyznanie pieniędzy na projekt uzależnił od podpisania z krajami europejskimi odpowiednich umów międzynarodowych, a także zmiana partii rządzącej w Polsce. Przyszłość amerykańskiego systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej zależeć będzie przede wszystkim od wyniku wyborów prezydenckich, które odbędą się w USA w listopadzie tego roku. Podejście kandydatów ubiegających się o ten urząd jest różne i od tego, kto zwycięży, zależeć będą dalsze losy koncepcji obrony strategicznej. ; Развитие концепции американской системы противоракетной обороны – это процесс, корни которого исходят к эпохе холодной войны. Быстрое развитие военной техники и сложная политическая ситуация на международной арене делали реальными многие угрозы. Ответом на возрастающие угрозы было соз- дание программ Nike-Zeus, Nike X, Sentinel и Safeguard. Переломом в гонке за всё более современными системами обороны стал подписанный 26 мая 1972 года в Москве «Договор между Союзом Советских Социалистических Республик и Соединёнными Штатами Америки об ограничении систем противоракетной обороны». Возвращение к идее создания системы противоракетной обороны наступило во времена президентуры Рональда Рейгана и продолжается по сей день. Изменились однако задачи стоящие перед такой программой. После окон- чания холодной войны и развала СССР опасность уже не представляет одно вражеское коммунистическое государство, а так называемые «государства оси зла». Переговоры на тему размещения «противоракетного щита» в Польше и Чехии вызвали протест России, которая опасается приближения американ- ской инфраструктуры к своим границам, что значительно осложнило перего- ворный процесс. Дополнительные осложнения вызвало решение Конгресса, который признание финансирования проекта сделал зависимым от подписания с европейскими странами соответствующих международных договоров, а также смена правящей партии в Польше. Будущее американской системы противора- кетной обороны, прежде всего, будет зависеть от результатов президентских выборов в США, которые состоятся в ноябре этого года. Подход к проблеме кандидатов на этот пост остается разным и от того, кто победит, будет зависеть дальнейшая судьба концепции стратегической обороны. ; The development of the concept of American National Missile Defence (NMD) system is a process rooted in the time of the Cold War. The fast development of military technology and the complex political situation on international stage made the threat of attack real. The response to the permanently escalating threat have been a succession of programmes: Nike-Zeus, Nike X, Sentinel, and Safeguard. The breakthrough in the development of increasingly modern defence systems was the Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems signed on 26th May 1972 in Moscow. The return to the idea of developing a missile defence system took place under Ronald Reagan. Even though the programme has continued to this day, its objectives have changed. With the conclusion of the Cold War and the fall of the USSR, the threat was no longer a single enemy communist state but the so-called 'rogue states'. The talks on the deployment of the elements of the NMD system (the so-called 'US missile shield') in Poland and Czech Republic resulted in a protest from Russia fearing the approach of American infrastructure to own borders, which greatly complicated the negotiations process. Additional obstacles arose when first US Congress made signing appropriate international agreements with the European states the condition for awarding the money to the project, and later the governing party in Poland changed. The future of the American system of missile defence system will primarily depend on the results of the Presidential Elections that will be held in the US this November. The positions of US presidential candidates on the NMD system varies, and it is on the winner of the presidential race that the future of strategic defence hinges.
