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International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.

International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.

International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

In the post-cold era, the economic and military power of the People's Republic of China is constantly growing. As a result, the rebirth of the idea of the protectionist economic policy, which has always been present in the American public debate, took place in the U.S. This idea is evidently reflected in the foreign policy of the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump. This article includes the analysis of the contemporary economic protectionism of the United States from the perspective of the offensive realism theory created by John Mearsheimer. The theory is based on three fundamental assumptions: the structure of the international system is anarchic, the primary goal of a state is to survive, for that reason states seek maximalization of their power. ; W epoce pozimnowojennej ma miejsce stały wzrost potęgi ekonomicznej oraz militarnej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Owa tendencja spowodowała odrodzenie idei protekcjonizmu gospodarczego w Stanach Zjednoczonych, która była wcześniej obecna w amerykańskiej debacie publicznej. Owa idea wyraźnie się przejawia w polityce obecnego Prezydenta USA Donalda Trumpa. Artykuł zawiera analizę współczesnego zjawiska protekcjonizmu gospodarczego USA z perspektywy teorii realizmu ofensywnego stworzonej przez Johna Mearsheimera, której podstawowymi założeniami są przekonanie o anarchicznej strukturze systemu międzynarodowego oraz o przetrwaniu jako naczelnym celu państwa, które w związku z tym dąży do maksymalizacji własnej potęgi.

The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the involvement of the United States of America in resolving the 2011 Libya crisis. This problem is considered taking into account bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The individual parts of the article discuss issues such as relations between the United States of America and Libya before the crisis, as well as US actions during the crisis and the reasons for carrying them out. This concerns, inter alia, Washington's political activity in the UN Security Council and the contribution of the US Armed Forces to the military operation in Libya. The evolution of the United States position on the use of the military factor to change the political regime of Libya is also shown. The research problem is included in the questions, what motivated Washington's actions towards Libya and whether the chosen policy was justified? The main thesis of the article is that the basic reason for the involvement of the United States of America in the crisis in Libya were the premises of a humanitarian nature, but the US interests were also important. Unfortunately, the military action did not lead to the end of the internal conflict in this country. The approach of the United States of America to the crisis in Libya was an important element for the formulation of the doctrine of President Barack Obama. There can be observed the elements that match both the liberal and realistic concept of international relations. In the article, the text source analysis method was used. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w rozwiązanie kryzysu w Libii z 2011 roku. Problem ten rozpatrywano z uwzględnieniem okoliczności dwustronnych i wielostronnych. W poszczególnych częściach artykułu omówiono zagadnienia, takie jak relacje Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Libii przed kryzysem oraz działania USA w trakcie kryzysu i motywy je warunkujące. Dotyczy to między innymi aktywności politycznej Waszyngtonu na forum Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ oraz wkładu Sił Zbrojnych USA w operację zbrojną w Libii. Ukazano również ewolucję stanowiska Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kwestii wykorzystania czynnika militarnego do zmiany reżimu politycznego Libii. Problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniach, czym motywowane były działania Waszyngtonu wobec Libii oraz czy obrana polityka była zasadna? Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że podstawowym powodem zaangażowania się Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kryzys w Libii były przesłanki natury humanitarnej, jednak liczyły się także interesy USA. Niestety akcja zbrojna nie doprowadziła do zakończenia konfliktu wewnętrznego w tym państwie. Podejście Waszyngtonu do kryzysu w Libii było ważnym elementem wpływającym na formułowanie doktryny prezydenta Baracka Obamy. Możemy w nim dostrzec cechy wpisujące się zarówno w liberalną, jak i realistyczną koncepcję stosunków międzynarodowych. W artykule wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych.

The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.

Chinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies' strategies. ; La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d'autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d'années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l'Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l'augmentation de la demande chinoise en matières premières, et le Mexique, qui s'est rapidement retrouvé en situation de concurrence ouverte avec la Chine sur différents segments de son secteur secondaire, et dont la dynamique d'intégration en Amérique du Nord fut profondément impactée par l'arrivée des entreprises chinoises sur le marché des États-Unis. En combinant une analyse approfondie des bases de données disponibles sur les investissements directs à l'étranger (IDE) de la Chine en ALC et trois études de cas originales d'entreprises chinoises installées dans le domaine manufacturier au Mexique, cette thèse montre que ces opérations présentent des modalités inédites notamment en termes de rythme d'expansion et de capacités d'adaptation aux environnements locaux. Cependant, les externalités positives ou négatives des IDE chinois demeurent tributaires des interactions entre le contexte institutionnel du pays d'accueil et les stratégies des entreprises.

Chinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies' strategies. ; La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d'autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d'années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l'Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l'augmentation de la ...