Severnaja Amerika i Sibirʹ v konce XVI - seredine XVIII v.: očerk sravnitelʹnoj istorii kolonizacij
Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: North America and Siberia at the end of the XVIth - middle of the XVIIIth century
Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: North America and Siberia at the end of the XVIth - middle of the XVIIIth century
International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.
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International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.
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International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.
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The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...
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The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...
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The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...
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The article analyzes the international cooperation of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) in the field of higher education and science, shows its role in training highly qualified personnel from Latin America and the Caribbean, with a special focus on Ecuador. The purpose of the article is to show the cross-section of the Latin American contingent of pupils at the present stage on the basis of a comparative analysis, and for this purpose are set the following tasks: to identify new priorities in education that are in demand in modern society and are embodied in the PFUR, to show the importance of the internationalization of education as one of the factors ensuring educational cooperation for RUDN University. The task is also to show the cooperation of the Ecuadorian government and RUDN University in the preparation of competitive specialists for the implementation of ambitious plans for the country's development, identify the features of the Yachai project for the development of Ecuador's scientific potential, and outline the prospects for bilateral interaction in the training system. Conclusion: for 58 years of its activity PFUR has achieved significant results in the internationalization of education, developed interesting methods of teaching Russian and other subjects, introduced the study of a number of subjects in English, which made this university attractive for foreign, in particular, Latin American students. ; В статье проанализировано международное сотрудничество РУДН в области высшего образования и науки, показана его роль в подготовке высококвалифицированных кадров из стран Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна с особым упором на Эквадор. Цель статьи - на основе сравнительного анализа показать срез латиноамериканского контингента учащихся РУДН на современном этапе, и для этого ставятся задачи: выявить новые приоритеты в образовании, которые оказываются востребованными в современном обществе и получают воплощение в РУДН, показать значение интернационализации образования как одного из факторов обеспечения образовательного сотрудничества для РУДН. Ставится также задача показать взаимодействие правительства Эквадора и РУДН в подготовке конкурентоспособных специалистов для реализации амбициозных планов по развитию страны, выявить особенности проекта «Ячай» для развития научного потенциала Эквадора, определить перспективы для двустороннего взаимодействия в системе подготовки кадров. Авторы приходят к выводу, что за 58 лет своей деятельности РУДН добился значительных результатов в интернационализации образования, разработал интересные методики преподавания русского языка и других предметов, ввел изучение ряда предметов на английском языке, что сделало вуз привлекательным для иностранных, в частности латиноамериканских, студентов.
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The article discusses the process of becoming a dialogue between Latin America and the European Union and the role of Spain in the development of political, economic and cultural ties between two regions. The authors identify as positive aspects and challenges in the development of inter-regional cooperation. ; В статье рассматривается процесс становления диалога между странами Латинской Америки и Европейского Союза и роль Испании в развитии политических, экономических и культурных связей между двумя регионами. Авторы выделяют как положительные стороны, так и проблемы в развитии межрегионального сотрудничества.
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Chinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies' strategies. ; La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d'autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d'années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l'Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l'augmentation de la demande chinoise en matières premières, et le Mexique, qui s'est rapidement retrouvé en situation de concurrence ouverte avec la Chine sur différents segments de son secteur secondaire, et dont la dynamique d'intégration en Amérique du Nord fut profondément impactée par l'arrivée des entreprises chinoises sur le marché des États-Unis. En combinant une analyse approfondie des bases de données disponibles sur les investissements directs à l'étranger (IDE) de la Chine en ALC et trois études de cas originales d'entreprises chinoises installées dans le domaine manufacturier au Mexique, cette thèse montre que ces opérations présentent des modalités inédites notamment en termes de rythme d'expansion et de capacités d'adaptation aux environnements locaux. Cependant, les externalités positives ou négatives des IDE chinois demeurent tributaires des interactions entre le contexte institutionnel du pays d'accueil et les stratégies des entreprises.
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The article covers the fundamentals of Chinese "soft power" in Latin America. "Soft power" now takes an important place in Chinese foreign strategy, both the international level and in Latin America. The author describes the main features of international relations between China and Latin-American countries. The paper focuses on the main sources of formation of positive image of China in the region. The study revealed that Chinese "soft power" has significantly strengthened in the region in recent years. At the same time, the author notes that it is still much weaker than that of the USA. In modern conditions, Chinese government is likely to seek more active application of new forms of international cooperation, promotion of "soft power" being one of them. The methodology of the research was based on the systematic approach, which means considering Chinese "soft power" as a part of the whole foreign policy of China. Theoretical and practical relevance of the study consists in that fact that it creates a basis for further research on this issue. The results can be used to forecast the development of Chinese foreign policy strategy, as well as to study the complex of relations between China and Latin American states. ; Рассматриваются главные факторы формирования китайской «мягкой силы» в Латинской Америке. Установлено, что «мягкая сила» занимает важное место во внешнеполитической стратегии Китая как на общегосударственном уровне, так и в рамках развития отношений с латиноамериканским регионом. Описаны основные особенности развития отношений между Китаем и государствами Латинской Америки на современном этапе. Изучены основные источники формирования положительного образа КНР в регионе. Осуществлен анализ ресурсов, которыми обладает китайская «мягкая сила» в Латинской Америке. Доказано, что за последние годы общее состояние «мягкой силы» Китая в государствах региона значительно укрепилось. Вместе с тем отмечено, что китайская «мягкая сила» в Латинской Америке все еще серьезно уступает американской. Сделан вывод, что в современных условиях Китай будет стремиться активнее использовать новые способы реализации своих национальных интересов, в том числе и «мягкую силу». Методологическую основу статьи составил системный подход, предполагающий рассмотрение «мягкой силы» как составляющего элемента всего комплекса внешней политики КНР. Теоретическая и практическая значимость проведенного исследования состоит в создании базы для дальнейших исследований по данной проблематике, результаты исследования могут быть использованы при анализе и прогнозировании развития внешнеполитической стратегии КНР, рассмотрении комплекса отношений Китая со странами Латинской Америки.
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The article analyzes key documents of the European Union (EU) related with its external policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as its practical implications. The Maastricht Treaty created bases for the common external policy of the European Union. The EU strategy towards Latin America is reflected in the Multiannual Indicative Regional Programme 2014-2020. The document states the progress achieved, continuing challenges, priority areas and amount of the financial aid.Currently the joint summits between the European Union and the Community of Latin American and the Caribbean States (EU–CALAC) serve as a main dialogue field enabling cooperation between the two regions. The main areas of collaboration are: democracy and human rights, security, trade and investment, innovations and education, climate change. Apart the EU provides a significant financial support to Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) through sector programmes aimed at social and economic transformations in LAC. In order to encourage investment the parties established Latin American Investment Facility (LAIF). The European Union and the Caribbean Foundation (EU–LAC Fundation) serves as an additional tool to promote and strengthen strategic cooperation between the two regions. ; В статье анализируются ключевые документы Европейского союза, касающиеся внешнеполитической стратегии в отношении Латинской Америки, а также рассматривается их практическая имплементация.Подписание Маастрихтского договора заложило основы общей внешней политики Европейского Союза. Стратегия ЕС в отношении Латинской Америки нашла свое отражение в региональной программе 2014-2020 гг., рассчитанной на шесть лет. В документе проанализированы ключевые изменения на континенте, выделены основные проблемы, а также обозначены приоритетные сферы сотрудничества для их преодоления и объем финансирования.В настоящее время диалоговой площадкой для реализации широкомасштабного сотрудничества между регионами служат совместные саммиты Европейского Союза с государствами – членами Сообщества стран Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна (ЕС–СЕЛАК). К основным направлениям взаимодействия относятся вопросы демократии и прав человека, безопасности, торговли и инвестиций, инноваций и образования, изменения климата. Кроме того ЕС оказывает существенную финансовую поддержку странам Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна (ЛАКБ), в том числе путем реализации секторальных программ, направленных на социально-экономические преобразования в Латинской Америке. С целью привлечения дополнительных инвестиций на латино-американский континент был учрежден инвестиционный фонд ЛАИФ. Вспомогательной площадкой для продвижения и укрепления стратегического партнерства между регионами служит «Фонд ЕС–ЛАК».
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Chinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies' strategies. ; La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d'autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d'années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l'Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l'augmentation de la ...
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The article provides the review of the Third international forum «Russia and Ibero-America in the global world: history and modernity» which took place at Saint-Petersburg State University on October 2-4 of 2017. Over 500 participants from over thirty countries discussed the topical issues of political, economic, social and cultural ties between Russia and Ibero-America, the BRICS' role in the formation of the multipolar world and many more. The Russian representatives of the Ibero-American direction of science presented their researches and exchanged experience with the Latin American colleagues. Among the honorary guests at the forum there were the former President of Brazil Dilma Rousseff and the former President of Colombia Ernesto Samper. ; В статье проводится обзор Третьего международного форума «Россия и Ибероамерика в глобализирующемся мире: история и современность», состоявшегося в Санкт-Петербургском государственном университете 2-4 октября 2017 года. Свыше 500 участников из более чем тридцати стран обсудили актуальные вопросы политических, экономических, социальных и культурных связей между Россией и странами Ибероамерики, роль БРИКС в формировании многополярного мира и многое другое. Представители отечественной ибероамериканистики смогли представить свои исследования и обменяться опытом с латиноамериканскими коллегами. Среди почетных гостей на форуме выступили экс-президент Бразилии Дилма Руссефф и бывший президент Колумбии Эрнесто Сампер.
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The subject of the paper is legal status, competence, order of formation, composition andactivities of the highest representative (legislative) body – the Congress of ConfederateStates of America (CSA).The purpose of article is to identify peculiarities of organization and work of the Congressof Confederate States of America.The methodological basis of research is formal legal and historical analysis of provisions ofthe permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, other legislative acts of the Congressof the CSA.The results and scope of application. The study of the history of the United States by analyzingthe status and history of development of the higher representative body of the unrecognizedstate formations of the American South the second part of Nineteenth centurycontributes to a better understanding of the evolution of American constitutionalism, possiblevariants of its development, the ways and forms of development of legislative authoritiesas the primary (main) way to implement popular sovereignty in the New time.Constitutional and legal traditions of the organization and activities of the representative(legislative) authorities of the USA have been fully inherited in the organization, structureand activities of the Supreme legislative authority of the Confederate States of America(CSA).Conclusions. The legal status of the CSA Congress, its powers, organization activities demonstrateda high degree of continuity of such institutions and relationships in the U.S. andallows the Supreme representative (legislative) authority of the Confederate States to berelatively effective in working on as part of a shared state mechanism of CSA. ; В настоящей статье автор анализирует особенности правового статуса, компетенции, порядка формирования, состава и деятельности высшего представительного (законодательного) органа Конфедеративных Штатов Америки (КША) на основании положений постоянной Конституции КША, иных законодательных нормативных актов Конгресса.
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