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In the late nineteenth century Populism was a major feature of US politics and society. It originated as an agrarian revolt born in response to the crisis of American agriculture vis-à-vis industrialization and the opening of global markets for agricultural products. The ensuing Populist movement involved millions of farmers in the Southern and Mid-Western rural areas hit by the crisis and it spilled over into local and national elections, eventually spreading to other regions and including sections of the emerging middle class, thus posing a formidable challenge to the established two-party system. Though it ultimately failed to bring about an electoral realignment, its influence was nonetheless significant and long-lasting. The Populists instigated political and economic reforms for decades to come while actively partaking in the cultural transformations of the time. Populism, however, generated a culture that was both forward- and backward looking, and as it continued to affect politics over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first century, its majoritarian impulse inspired new forms of democratic inclusion as well as threats to minorities and republican institutions. This complex phenomenon and its many ramifications have engaged generations of historians, whose political sensibilities changed as events unfolded and scholarly research proceeded. At a time when Populism has once occupied center stage in America, it is worth looking back at its origins and pondering how the historiography has tried to make sense of it.

The essay aims to reflect on the Regional Integration in Latin America: first, by stressing the sense of the concept of "Latin America" from a political perspective; then, by underlining the complex nature of this process. The thesis that is intended to be argued is that the most important advances in the field of regional integration have been produced by the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, in part by abandoning the European integration model

As we celebrate the 300 th anniversary of William Penn's death as well as the 325 th anniversary of the publication of Penn's plan for a European parliament, it is also worth considering his contribution to American history, notably the foundation of Pennsylvania. The most remarkable feature of Penn's "holy experiment" in colonial British America was the harmonious relationship that was established, and maintained for some seventy years, between the Quaker colonists and the native Americans. Penn advanced racial equality as well as peaceful and harmonious relations between different cultures, sitting in council with the Indians many times and promoting the fair purchase of land from them. Penn's 1682 Frame of Government for the colony limited the power of government and guaranteed many fundamental liberties. It was subsequently adopted by the Pennsylvania Assembly as the New Charter and formed the model for most state governments in the United States. Penn's last revision of the Frame, the 1701 Charter of Privileges, remained in force until 1776. Finally, just as Penn really was the first to propose, in some detail, a European parliament, so he was the first to propose, only a few years later, a union of the British colonies in America."

This article seeks to reflect on the methodological problem that dealing with political concepts with a particular historical and geographical frame entails. After stating how conceptual history, German in its origins, has given rise to different lines of thought throughout the Western World, especially in Europe, we explore how this conceptual approach can be used to address political concepts in Latin America from a philosophical-political perspective. ; Questo articolo si propone di discutere il problema metodologico dell'approccio ai concetti politici all'interno di un particolare contesto storico e geografico. A partire dal fatto che la storia concettuale, originariamente tedesca, ha dato origine a specifici percorsi in tutto il mondo occidentale, e soprattutto nel resto d'Europa, ci chiediamo come questo approccio concettuale possa essere utilizzato quando si affrontano i concetti politici in America Latina da una prospettiva filosofico-politica.

The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment ; The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment

The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment.

Nel quadrimestre in considerazione (settembre-dicembre) si sono presi in esame i principali avvenimenti politico-istituzionali avvenuti in America Latina e in particolare la crisi economica e le elezioni del 27 ottobre in Argentina; la crisi politica avvenuta in Bolivia a seguito delle elezioni del 20 ottobre; la rivolta sociale che attraversa il Cile dal 4 ottobre come conseguenza dell'aumento del prezzo dei biglietti della metropolitana; le decisioni politiche del chavismo di Maduro e i rapporti del Governo ufficiale con l'opposizione in Venezuela. L'analisi si conclude con un approfondimento sui più importanti avvenimenti istituzionali e le principali riforme avvenuti in Messico, a cui si rimanda nelle specifiche sezioni dedicate alle istituzioni.

Riassunto Uno dei più significativi archetipi politologici della storia latinoamericana, l'homem cordial teorizzato da Sérgio Buarque de Holanda in Raízes do Brasil (1936) e a lungo considerato politicamente scorretto nel proprio Paese, approda in Italia grazie alla traduzione di Cesare Rivelli pubblicata dai Fratelli Bocca nel 1954. Ma non vi sarebbero, invece, nel contesto italiano che pochi segni di interesse per l'altro homem cordial, quello teorizzato alcuni anni prima in un breve scritto dal brasiliano Ruy Ribeiro Couto, veicolato a livello internazionale da Alfonso Reyes col titolo in spagnolo El Hombre Cordial, producto americano. Interrogarsi sulle ragioni che potrebbero aver lasciato nell'ombra l'homem cordial ribeiriano consente di comprendere come quel dibattito latinomericano degli anni Trenta sia ancor oggi di grande attualità. E come l'archetipo dell'homem cordial buarquiano rimanga una delle chiavi interpretative fondamentali anche a livello internazionale con tutto il suo carico di implicazioni sociali e geo-politiche.

Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.