Radom se želi prikazati kako je tekla borba Filis Šlafli i njenih saborkinja protiv usvajanja Amandmana o jednakim pravima u Ustav Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, kao i kako bi imenovani amandman, prvi put predstavljen američkoj javnosti čak davne 1923. godine, mogao da izmeni društveno—političke prilike u kojima žive američke žene. Velikim delom rad je nastao na osnovu izvora koje su iza sebe ostavile učesnice borbe za, odnosno protiv usvajanja Amandmana o jednakim pravima. Nakon uvodnog prikaza ranog istorijata odnosa javnosti prema amandmanu, našu pažnju ćemo usmeriti na jačanje vatrene opozicije amandmanu na čije čelo je stala Filis Šlafli. Takođe, ispitaćemo strukturu i razmere nasleđa ove konzervativne ikone koje nastavlja da igra značajnu ulogu na političkoj pozornici Amerike. The paper seeks to show how Phyllis Schlafly and her female comrades' struggled against ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, as well as how the named Amendment, which was introduced to the American public back in 1923. for the first time, would change the socio-political circumstances in which contemporary American women live. For the big part, this work is based on the sources left by the participants in this fight for equal rights. After the introductory presentation of the early history of the Equal Rights Amendment, we will direct our attention to the making of the fiery opposition where Phyllis Schlafly stood as the official leader, and examine the structure and proportions of the legacy of this conservative icon which perpetuates to play a paramount role at the American political stage.
The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden's victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West's victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries.
Autor se bavi odnosima Sjedinjenih Država i Venezuele zaključno sa aktuelnom predsedničkom krizom ne bi li odgovorio na pitanje kako i zašto je Venezuela postala problem za spoljnu politiku SAD koji zahteva pojačanu pažnju i radikalne mere. Analiza ovih odnosa u toku 20. veka pokazuje da su oni zasnovani na naftnoj međuzavisnosti dveju država. Kada je krajem veka višedecenijsko loše upravljanje naftnim bogatstvom u Venezueli izazvalo društvenu i ekonomsku krizu koja je dovela na vlast Huga Cháveza, spremnog da koristi prihode od nafte protiv interesa regionalne hegemonije SAD, ove su Venezuelu označile kao problem. Američki establišment je prema tom problemu nastupio oportunistički – naftna međuzavisnost je sprečavala da sukob eskalira sve dok aktuelna ekonomsko-politička kriza u Venezueli nakon Chávezove smrti nije dala Washingtonu priliku za konačni obračun sa režimom, po cenu privremenog prekida u trgovini naftom. Godinu i po dana od izbijanja predsednička kriza u Venezueli još nije razrešena, jer se čavistički režim održao, a SAD odustale od vojne intervencije, pa autor nastoji da ukaže na perspektive problema i mogućnosti njegovog prevazilaženja nakon što tekuća pandemija korona virusa bude obuzdana. ; The author deals with the United States and Venezuela relations up to the current presidential crisis, in order to answer how and why Venezuela became a problem for U.S. foreign policy which requires increased attention and radical measures. The analysis of these relations during the 20th century shows that they were based on oil interdependence of the two states. When a decades-long mismanagement of oil riches in Venezuela at the end of the century caused a social and economic crisis that brought to power Hugo Chávez, who was ready to use oil revenues against U.S. regional hegemonic interests, it marked Venezuela as a problem. American establishment treated the problem with opportunism – oil interdependence prevented the conflict from escalating until the current economic and political crisis in Venezuela after the death of Chávez gave Washington an opportunity for the final clash with the regime at the price of a temporary break in the oil trade. A year and a half after the presidential crisis in Venezuela erupted, it has not been resolved yet, for the chavista regime remained in place, while the U.S. gave up on military intervention. The author points to the perspectives of the problem and the possibilities of its overcoming once the current coronavirus pandemic gets contained.
Visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama je po većini kvantita¬tivnih i kvalitativnih pokazatelja najbolje na svetu. Univerziteti u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, zajedno sa onima u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu, privlače najbolje studente ne samo iz Evrope već širom sveta uključujući najmnogoljudnije zemlje i rastuće ekonomije poput Kine, Indije, Brazila ili Indonezije. Istovremeno, priznati profesori i istraživači mahom rade u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, imajući u vidu sjajne uslove za rad i istraživanja. Međutim, snaga američkih univerziteta je istovremeno i njihova slabost u kontekstu COVID-19 epidemije. Većina univerziteta su privatni univerziteti koji u potpunosti zavise od tržišta, donacija, a ponajviše studentskih školarina. Epidemija je zaoštrila problem marketizacije obrazovanja u SAD imajući u vidu da većina studenata preispituje nastavak školovanja u novonastalim uslovima, ekonomske neizvesnosti koju epidemija donosi, kao i nesigurnog tržišta rada. Analizirajući studiju slučaja Nortvestern univerziteta, tekst se bavi ekonomskim i društvenim posledicama koje epidemija ima na visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, kao i mogućim načinima njegovog prevladavanja. ; Higher education in the United States is the best in the world according to most quantitative and qualitative indicators. Universities in the United States, along with those in the United Kingdom, attract the best students not only from Europe but around the world, including the most populous countries and growing economies such as China, India, Brazil or Indonesia. At the same time, renowned professors and researchers mostly work in the United States, given the excellent working and research conditions. However, the strength of American universities is, at the same time, their weakness in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic. Most universities are private universities that depend entirely on the market, donations, and mostly student tuition. The epidemic has exacerbated the problem of marketing education in the United States, bearing in mind that most students are reconsidering the continuation of schooling due to economic uncertainty that the epidemic brings and uncertain labour market. Focusing on the case study of Northwestern University, the text is analyzing the economic and social consequences of the epidemic on higher education in the United States, as well as possible ways to overcome it.
Higher education in the United States is the best in the world according to most quantitative and qualitative indicators. Universities in the United States, along with those in the United Kingdom, attract the best students not only from Europe but around the world including the most populous countries and growing economies such as China, India, Brazil or Indonesia. At the same time, renowned professors and researchers mostly work in the United States, given the excellent working and research conditions. However, the strength of American universities is, at the same time, their weakness in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic. Most universities are private universities that depend entirely on the market, donations, and mostly student tuition. The epidemic has exacerbated the problem of marketing education in the United States, bearing in mind that most students are reconsidering the continuation of schooling due to economic uncertainty that the epidemic brings and uncertain labour market. Focusing on the case study of Northwestern University, the text is analyzing the economic and social consequences of the epidemic on higher education in the United States, as well as possible ways to overcome it. ; Visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama je po većini kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih pokazatelja najbolje na svetu. Univerziteti u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, zajedno sa onima u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu, privlače najbolje studente ne samo iz Evrope već širom sveta uključujući najmnogoljudnije zemlje i rastuće ekonomije poput Kine, Indije, Brazila ili Indonezije. Istovremeno, priznati profesori i istraživači mahom rade u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, imajući u vidu sjajne uslove za rad i istraživanja. Međutim, snaga američkih univerziteta je istovremeno i njihova slabost u kontekstu COVID-19 epidemije. Većina univerziteta su privatni univerziteti koji u potpunosti zavise od tržišta, donacija, a ponajviše studentskih školarina. Epidemija je zaoštrila problem marketizacije obrazovanja u SAD imajući u vidu da većina studenata preispituje nastavak školovanja u novonastalim uslovima, ekonomske neizvesnosti koju epidemija donosi kao i nesigurnog tržišta rada. Analizirajući studiju slučaja Nortvestern univerziteta, tekst se bavi ekonomskim i društvenim posledicama koje epidemija ima na visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, kao i mogućim načinima njegovog prevladavanja.
In this paper, we consider the relationship between the entrepreneurial state and the crisis (caused by economic and non-economic reasons and vice versa). Thus, it is about the interactive attitude of the entrepreneurial state in resolving the crisis and the impact of the crisis on the further development of new economic competencies and competencies of the state in the economy. The entrepreneurial state is seen as an entrepreneur and one of the most important economic actors, which accepts long-term investment risks, bearing in mind the broader picture and the common good. The development of new technologies and new technology companies in the United States and other developed countries has been possible, thanks to the investment of the American entrepreneurial state and its agencies. We start from the assumption that the American crisis, in 2008. caused by high debts, the private sector, not the US public debt, which today is enormously high and skyrocketing. At the heart of this consideration is the thesis that the classical economic theory of non-interference of the state in economic life, which stands aside in the recent era of the development of global capitalism, does not hold water. On the contrary, it turns out that government risky investment in the long run is the basis of a modern economy in which the private sector can develop only on the premises of this huge investment in the development of modern new technologies. Most innovation today and research institutes in the United States are due to the investments of the American state. The paper discusses the impact of the crisis on the understanding of the entrepreneurial state and its role in innovation, the role of new technologies and innovations in economic growth, entrepreneurial state and risks, entrepreneurial state and knowledge economy, entrepreneurial state in "pushing" versus "pulling" the green industrial revolution and the cost of investment, innovation, and development of the American entrepreneurial state. ; U ovom radu razmatramo odnos preduzetničke države i krize (izazvane ekonomskim i neekonomskim razlozima i vice versa). Dakle, riječ je o interaktivnom odnosu preduzetničke države u rješavanju krize i uticaju krize na dalji razvoj novih ekonomskih ingerencija i nadležnosti države u ekonomiji. Preduzetnička država se posmatra kao preduzetnik i jedan od važnijih ekonomskih aktera, koji prihvata rizike ulaganja na dugi rok, imajući na umu širu sliku i opšte dobro. Razvoj novih tehnologija i novih tehnoloških kompanija u SAD i drugim razvijenim zemljama bio je moguć zahvaljujući investiranju američke preduzetničke države i njenih agencija. Polazimo od pretpostavke da su američku krizu 2008. godine izazvali visoki dugovi privatnog sektora, a ne javni dug SAD, koji je danas enormno visok i vrtoglavo raste. U osnovi ovog razmatranja stoji teza da klasična ekonomska teorija o nemiješanju države u privredni život, koja stoji po strani u najnovije doba razvoja globalnog kapitalizma, ne drži vodu. Naprotiv, pokazuje se da je državno rizično investiranje na dugi rok u osnovi savremene ekonomije u kome privatni sektor može da se razvija samo na premisama tog golemog ulaganja u razvoj modernih novih tehnologija. Većina inovacija danas i istraživačkih instituta u SAD duguje ulaganjima američke države. U radu razmatramo uticaj krize na shvatanje preduzetničke države i njene uloge u inovacijama, ulogu novih tehnologija i inovacija u privrednom rastu, preduzetničku državu i rizike, preduzetničku državu i ekonomiju znanja, preduzetničku državu u "guranju" nasuprot "podbadanju" zelene industrijske revolucije, koristi i cijene investiranja, inovacije i razvoj američke preduzetničke države.
Hladni rat je predstavljao rat ideologija bez presedana u istoriji. Nijedan drugi rat, ni pre ni posle ovog višedecenijskog hladnog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika, nije bio rat koji se vodio u tolikoj meri u sferi meke moći kao Hladni rat. Odsustvo neposrednog oružanog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskog Saveza učinilo je da se Hladni rat odvija kao takmičenje u sferi ekonomije, tehnologije i nauke, kao trka u nuklearnom i konvencionalnom naoružanju i kao svemirsko nadmetanje. Pored takmičenja u sferi tvrde moći, Sjedinjene Američke Države i Sovjetski Savez vodili su intenzivnu bitku u oblasti meke moći. Ovo je bio sukob između američke liberalno-demokratske ideologije i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Svaka od ove dve zemlje težila je tome da ubedi građane one druge zemlje da je njen društveni i ekonomski sistem idealan i da je bolji i pravedniji od sistema njenog glavnog suparnika. Uzrok propasti Sovjetskog Saveza i komunizma u istočnoj Evropi nikada sa sgurnošću neće moći da bude određen. Okolnosti koje su dovele do raspada Sovjetskog Saveza, pada Berlinskog zida 1989. godine i urušavanja komunizma u Evropi ne mogu se svesti na skup vojnih, političkih, ekonomskih i društvenih činilaca koji su, nezavisno jedni od drugih, doveli do tektonskih promena u međunarodnim odnosima. Svi ovi činioci zajedno, isprepletani u kompleksnu mrežu poluga, učinili su da se Sovjetski Savez uruši i da Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama prepusti ulogu pobednika u Hladnom ratu. Pritom, Amerika nije bila samo vojni i ekonomski pobednik. Amerika je iz Hladnog rata izašla kao moralni i ideološki pobednik. Hladni rat predstavlja temu izuzetno velikog broja radova, ali mali broj tih radova se bavi analizom američko-sovjetskog sukoba u sferi meke moći. Stoga je cilj ovog istraživanja i rada rasvetljavanje, objašnjene i tumačenje poluga meke moći koje su Sjedinjene Američke Države institucionalizovale, pokrenule i upotrebile u ideološkoj borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza u vreme Hladnog rata. Međutim, Sjedinjene Američke Države nisu od svog nastanka u drugoj polovini 18. veka do Hladnog rata osmišljeno primenjivale svoju meku moć. Do Hladnog rata upotreba poluga meke moći bila praksa kojom su se Sjedinjene Američke Države bavile isključivo u vreme učešća u oružanim sukobima. Tek sa Hladnim ratom u Americi se javlja potreba za namenskom i osmišljenom upotrebom poluga meke moći. Odmah nakon Drugog svetskog rata Sovjetski Savez je počeo da vrši uticaj na druge zemlje šireći marksističku ideologiju i komunističke ideje. Osim širenja marksističke ideologije Sovjetski Savez je vodio i dobro osmišljenu kampanju protiv Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i američkog načina života. Američka administracija je kao odgovor na sovjetsku spoljnu politiku u periodu od 1946. do 1950. godine stvorila politiku obuzdavanja Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetskog uticaja u svetu svim sredstvima. Ovo je podrazumevalo kako upotrebu poluga tvrde moći tako i primenu poluga meke moći. U to vreme u američkom društvu postojao je konsenzus o upotrebi političkih, vojnih i ekonomskih oruđa u borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza, ali je upotreba poluga meke moći bila predmet duge javne rasprave. Jedna od izuzetno važnih poluga meke moći su državni programi informisanja, odnosno ono što se u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama smatra propagandom, a propaganda se od nastanka Sjedinjenih Američkih Država do danas smatra nečasnom delatnošću autokratskih režima. Sjedinjene Američke Države su u periodu neposredno nakon Drugog svetskog rata sprovele zakonske, institucionalne i strukturalne promene koje su omogućile trajno ustanovljavanje poluga meke moći zarad širenja američkih vrednosti, ideja i kulture i zarad ideološke borbe protiv Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Zakoni doneti u to vreme su na snazi i danas i pružaju okvir za mnogobrojne programe i aktivnosti na polju primene poluga meke moći po celom svetu. ; The Cold War was a war without precedent in the history. No war before this prolonged cold conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union was waged that much in the realm of soft power as the Cold War. In the absence of an immediate armed conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, the Cold War was conducted as a competition in the areas of economy, technology and science, nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as the space race. Besides the competition in the realm of hard power, the United States and the Soviet Union pursued an intensive battle in the realm of soft power. This was a conflict between the American ideology of a liberal democracy and the Soviet Marxist ideology. Each of the two attempted to persuade the citizens of the other country that its social and economic practice was an ideal one, better and more just than the other one. The source of the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism in Eastern Europe will never be fully determined. The circumstances that brought about the break-up of the Soviet Union, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the fall down of communism in Europe cannot be summarized as an aggregation of military, political, economic and social factors that independently from each other led to the colossal changes in the world order. All of these factors, entangled together in a complex net, caused the implosion of the Soviet Union which left the United States as the winner in the Cold War. Yet, the United States was not only a military and economic victor, it resurfaced as a moral and ideological champion, as well. The Cold Was has been a theme of numerous papers but only a handful of these papers tackled the American-Soviet conflict in the realm of soft power. Thus, the objective of this research and dissertation is to shed the light, explain and construe the instruments of soft power that the United States institutionalized, put into motion and deployed in the ideological battle against Soviet Union in the Cold War. However, since its birth in the 18th century until the Cold War, the United States had not wielded its soft power strategically. Up to the Cold War, the soft power instruments were used exclusively during the times when the United States was involved in an armed conflict. Only in the Cold War, the need for intentional and thoughtful use of soft power instruments emerged. Soon after the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union got set off to exert its influence by diffusing its Marxist ideology and communist values. In addition to spreading its ideology, the Soviet Union led a well-planned campaign against the United States and the American way of life. From 1946 to 1950, in response to the Soviet policy towards the United States, the American administration coined the policy of containment of the Soviet Union and the Soviet influence in the world. The policy of containment included both the use of the instruments of hard power and of soft power. At that time, there was a consensus in the American society on the use of political, military and economic means in fighting the Soviet Union, while the use of soft power instruments was a subject of a prolonged public discourse. Government information programs, perceived as propaganda in the United States, have always been a very important soft power instrument, and propaganda has been considered by Americans to be a dishonest activity of autocratic governments. In the period right after the Second World War, the United States implemented legislative, institutional and structural changes that allowed for permanent establishment of the soft power instruments. These foreign policy instruments made it possible for the United States government to diffuse American values, ideas and culture and to wage an ideological war against the Soviet Union and its Marxist principles. The acts adopted at that time are in place nowadays, and provide a legal framework for numerous programs and activities in the realm of soft power.
virusnog porekla, čije pojavljivanje ima izuzetno veliki zdravstveni, socijalni i ekonomski uticaj. U mnogim delovima sveta, veliki napori i sredstva se ulažu u sprečavanje pojavljivanje bolesti i smanjenja ekonomskih troškova izazvanih KKS a sve u cilju njenog potpunog iskorenjivanja. Bolest se pojavljuje u većem broju zemalja Azije, centralne i južne Amerike, delovima Afrike i Evrope. Uspeh u iskorenjivanju postignut je u većem broju država, uključujući Severnu Ameriku, Australaziju i Severnu Evropu, gde se status zemalja slobodnih od KKS održava bez primene vakcinacije. U Zapadnoj Evropi, ostvarena je progresivna eradikacija u toku poslednje dve dekade 20. veka uz zabranu vakcinacije u zemljama članicama EU od 1990. godine. Međutim, periodično je dolazilo do unošenja virusa KKS u populaciju domaćih svinja preko divljih svinja ili uvozom domaćih svinja iz inostranstva. Pojava KKS u zemljama koje ne primenjuju preventivnu vakcinaciju ili su slobodne od bolesti može dovesti do velikih epizootija jer je celokupna populacija domaćih svinja veoma prijemčiva na virus. Zbog toga je kontinuirano vršenje aktivnog i pasivnog nadzora nad KKS od fundamentalnog značaja za sprečavanje pojave i širenja ove zaraze jer doprinosi da se eventualno izbijanje bolesti otkrije na vreme kao i da se brzo uspostave kontrolne mere u cilju sprečavanja daljeg širenja virusa KKS. Za efikasno sprovođenje potpunog iskorenjivanja KKS, pored definisanja principa kontrole KKS, kratkoročnih, srednjoročnih i dugoročnih prioritetnih aktivnosti, obezbeđivanja odgovarajućeg pravnog okvira, dijaloga i podele odgovornosti između najvažnijih institucija, službi i poslovnih subjekata, potrebno je osigurati odgovarajuće finansijske, kadrovske i druge resurse, kao i kontinuiranu edukaciju i jačanje kapaciteta nadležnih službi. U ispitivanjima su opisani epizootiološki i ekonomski aspekti Programa kontrole KKS uz primenu vakcinacije koji se sprovodio od 2006. do 2012. godine, pravni okvir i strateške mere koju državna veterinarska administracija i operativne veterinarske službe sprovode u cilju kontrole i potpunog iskorenjivanja KKS u Srbiji, kao i efekti primene tih mera. ; Classical swine fever (Pestis suum clasica, Hog cholera, Schweinepest, CSF) is a highly contagious viral disease of domestic pigs and wild boar, which has huge health, social and economic impact worldwide. In many parts of the world, significant efforts and resources were employed in order to prevent outbreaks and reduce losses and costs, with overall objective to eradicate it. Outbreaks of CSF are notified in many contries in Asia, central and southern part of Americas, some areas in Africa and Europe. Some countries has experienced success in eradication, namely in North America, Australasia and North Europe, and in keeping the country's status as free of CSF without vaccination. In Western Europe, progressive eradication without vacciantion is achieved in last two decades of 20th century, with total ban of vaccination declared from 1990. However, some perodical epizodes of introduction of CSF virus from wild boar to domestic pig population, or by import of live pigs, were reported. Emerging cases of CSF, particularly in countries where vaccination is not in place or in countires declared the status as free from the disease, can cause large epizootics, since the naive pig population is very susceptible to the virus. Therefore, the continuous active and pasive surveillance is of utmost importance for prevention of spreading the diseases which will improve capacities for timely detection of possible outbreaks and effective implementation of relevant control measures to prevent further spreading of disease. For effective imlementetion of total elimination of CSF, beside clear definition of main control principles, short-term, and long-term priority activities, adequate legal framework, and effective dialogue for sharing responsibilities among main interested parites, it is necessary to ensure financial, human and other resources, as well as continuous education and capacity building of competent authorities. In this investigation, economical and epidemiological aspects of CSF eradication program with vaccination policy implemented from 2006 to 2012, were described, with the current legal base and strategic actvities carried out by the state veterinary administration and field veterinary services with the aim to control and totaly eradicate CSF in Serbia, with effects of implementation such measures.
Početak dvadeset i prvog veka obeležio je najveći teroristički akt u istoriji čovečanstva, 11. septembar 2001. godine. Samoubilački napadi izvršeni tog dana na teritoriji Sjedinjenih Država su načinom na koji su izvedeni, svojom veličinom i posledicama, osigurali da početak novog milenijuma ostane upamćen u svetu po nagloj ekspanziji međunarodnog terorizma, koji je zbog neposrednih žrtava, materijalnih razaranja, i stalnog straha i nesigurnosti koje izaziva, gotovo sve šokirao i prestravio. Savremeni terorizam, dramatično oslikan kroz 11. septembar, danas predstavlja jedan od ključnih bezbednosnih problema i izazova globalizovanog društva, čiji sve češći, razorniji i smrtonosniji akti jasno ističu njegovu dominaciju nad drugim oblicima ugrožavanja bezbednosti. Ubrzo nakon 11. septembra, predsednik SAD Džordž V. Buš Mlađi objavio je sveopšti, prostorno i vremenski neograničen rat terorizmu, uz podršku većine zemalja u svetu kao i međunarodnih institucija, poput NATO i UN. Ovaj nekonvencionalni rat obuhvatio je mnoštvo vojnih, političkih i legislativnih akcija koje za glavni cilj imaju sprečavanje i suzbijanje terorizma na globalnom nivou. U tu svrhu donesene su posebne protivterorističke strategije kao i mnoštvo podstrategijskih dokumenata, kako u SAD, tako i u Evropskoj uniji kao i u njenim zemljama članicama. Američka nacionalna strategija za borbu protiv terorizma otklonila je propuste protivterorstičke prevencije i rezultirala podizanjem nivoa unutrašnje bezbednosti SAD. Glavni pokazatelj njene efikasnosti je činjenica da su Sjedinjene Države ostale pošteđene velikorazmernih terorističkih napada posle 11. septembra. To nije bio i slučaj sa Evropskom unijom, njihovim najvećim saveznikom, koju je u prvoj deceniji ovog rata Al Kaida prestravila sa dva velika napada (Madrid 2004. i London 2005. godine). Nažalost, EU je još uvek i meta i baza islamističkih ekstremista što predstavlja dokaz, a i najozbiljnije upozorenje, da je njena protivteroristička prevencija, za razliku od američke, u jednom ili više segmenata neadekvatna (propustljiva). ; The beginning of the twenty-first century was marked by the biggest terrorist act in the history of humanity, September 11, 2001. In the way that they were carried out, their size and consequences, suicide attacks committed on that day on the territory of the United States have ensured that the start of the new millennium will be remembered in the world by the rapid expansion of international terrorism, which has shocked and horrified almost everybody due to the direct victims, material damage, the fear and insecurity which evokes. Today, modern terrorism, dramatically portrayed through 9/11, represents one of the key security issues and challenges of a globalized society, whose frequent, more destructive and deadly acts clearly emphasize its domination over the other forms of endangering safety. Shortly after 9/11, the U.S. President George W. Bush Jr. announced an all-out, spatially and temporally unlimited war on terrorism, with the support of most countries in the world as well as international institutions, such as NATO and the UN. This unconventional warfare included a variety of military, political and legislative actions whose main objective is to prevent and combat terrorism on a global level. For this purpose, the special anti-terrorism strategies, and a number of other relevant strategic documents were adopted, both in the USA and in the European Union, as well as in its Member States. The U.S. National Strategy for Combating Terrorism has eliminated the glitches in American anti-terrorism prevention and resulted in raising the level of internal security of the United States. The main indicator of its effectiveness is the fact that the United States have been spared of large-scale terrorist attacks after the 9/11. This was not the case with the European Union, its biggest ally, which in the first decade of this war was terrified with two large attacks by Al Qaeda (Madrid 2004 and London 2005). Unfortunately, the EU is still the target and a base of Islamist extremists, which is an evidence and a most serious warning that its anti-terrorism prevention, unlike the U.S.'s, is in one or more segments inadequate (permeable).
Foreign investment fund in the world has multiplied several times in the last twodecades. However, growing trend of foreign investments fl ow has been broken by the recentfi nancial crisis in the world. Lower infl ow of foreign investments into the developingcountries has made the funding of their current accounts diffi cult, because it becamemore diffi cult for them to get loans in the international capital market. Most net importersof capital are net debtors in the international capital market, which made them increaseinvestment attractiveness for international investors. Thus they tried to decrease theirexposure to the loan market. Although foreign investments are desirable source of fundingthe current account defi cit, net infl ow of these funds generates negative balance in theincome account and puts pressure on the balance of payments of the country. World investmentfl ows have returned to the upward trend in 2013.This paper analyses foreign investments fl ow in the world, by groups of countries.The groups of countries, the subject analysis of this paper, are: Asia, Latin America,Africa, countries in transition and developed countries. The most signifi cant countriesthat are net exporters of capital in the world are the European Union and USA, while thebiggest importers are the growing Asian countries. Starting period for this analysis is1990, and ending period is 2013. Therefore, time series of the analysis covers economiccycles, i.e. rise from the nineties of the last century, then the period of global fi nancial andeconomical crisis that lasted all the ay until the end of 2012.
Prema definiciji Interseks zajednice Severne Amerike, pojam interseks koristi se za osobe rođene sa hormonskim, hromozomskim ili anatomskim polnim obrascima koji ne odgovaraju društvenim i medicinskim očekivanjima muških ili ženskih polnih karakteristika. Između 0,05 i 1,7% stanovništva rađa se sa nekim od interseks stanja koji imaju veliki broj oblika. Standardna medicinska procedura postupanja sa interseksualnim licima podrazumeva postupak normalizacije pola, odnosno korektivne genitalne hirurške intervencije i horomonsku terapiju, sa ciljem da definiše polne organe u skladu sa jednim od dva priznata pola i odgovori na opresivne zahteve heteronormativnosti u kojoj je interseksualno telo devijacija od "normalne telesnosti". Rasprave o interseksualnosti posebno su aktualizovane na polju bioetike kroz radove E. Feder i A. Dreger. Uvidom u određeni broj teorijskih i empirijskih radova na temu interseksulanosti u oblasti obrazovanja, zaključujemo da je njihova zastupljenost zanemarljiva. Cilj rada bio je da se, pošavši od konceptualnog okvira kvir studija kao analitičkog modela koji locira i eksploatiše nekoherentnost hromozomskog pola, roda i seksualne želje, formulišu smernice za unapređivanje obrazovnog zakonodavstva i obrazovne prakse kojima se na bolji način reguliše status interseks dece i mladih. Osnovu za teorijsku analizu predstavljali su rezultati studije "Interseks – ka stvaranju intersekcionalne platforme" organizacije Geten LGBTIQA iz 2019. godine čiji se globalni zaključak tiče pravne nevidljivosti interseks lica u Srbiji koju prati patologizujući medicinski diskurs. Na osnovu naše možemo zaključiti da je neophodno unaprediti obrazovne politike i prakse koje prepoznajemo i kao ključne predlažemo: vidljivost interseksualnih lica u obrazovnoj legislaturi počevši od predškolskog obrazovanja, informisanje aktera školskog života o stanju interseksualnosti i njegovim varijacijama, prevencija nasilja i diskriminacije prema interseks deci i mladima, ohrabrivanje prava interseks dece i mladih na samoodređenje. Ističe se potreba za osmišljavanjem i sprovođenjem kvalitativnih pedagoških istraživanja intreseksualnosti iz dečje perspektive koja mogu destabilizovati normativni diskurs polnosti/telesnosti i depatologizovati interseksualnost. Inkorporiranost zahteva iz dokumenta Promišljanje obrazovanja: ka zajedničkom globalnom dobru (UNESCO, 2015) vidimo kao dobru startnu osnovu za građenje nacrta obrazovne politike koja se temelji na humanističkim nasuprot utilitarističkim vrednostima. ; According to definition of the Intersex Society of North America, the term intersex is used to refer to persons born with hormonal, chromosomal or anatomical gender patterns which do not correspond with social and medical concepts of male or female gender characteristics. Between 0.05% and 1.7% of the population is born with an intersex condition that may take numerous forms. The standard medical procedure for dealing with intersex persons involves the gender normalizing procedure, i.e. corrective genital surgery and hormone therapy whose aim is to define sexual organs according to one of the two recognized genders and respond to oppressive demands of heteronormativity in which intersex body is a deviation from a "normal corporeality". Discussions about intersexuality have been particularly topical in the field of bioethics through the works of E. Feder and A. Dreger. By examining a number of theoretical and empirical papers on intersexuality in the field of education, we conclude that their representation is meagre. The aim of the paper is, starting from the conceptual framework of queer studies as analytical model that locates and exploits the incoherence of chromosomal sex, gender and sexual desire, to formulate guidelines for improvement of education legislation and practice so as to regulate the status of intersex children and young people better. The starting point for theoretical analysis is the result of the 2019 Geten LGBTIQA study: "Intersex – Towards Building an Intersectional Platform" whose global conclusion concerns the legal invisibility of the intersex persons in Serbia, followed by pathologizing medical discourse. Upon our analysis, we can conclude that it is necessary to improve educational policies and practices. The key improvements we propose are the following: visibility of intersex persons in education legislation starting from the pre-school education, informing the participants of school life about the state of intersexuality and its variations, prevention of violence and discrimination against intersex children and youth, encouraging the right of intersex children and young people to self-determination. The need to design and conduct qualitative pedagogic researches of intersexuality from the children's perspective that can destabilize normative discourse of sexuality/corporeality and depatologize intersexuality is emphasized. Inclusion of requirements from the document: Rethinking education: towards a common global good (UNESCO, 2015) is perceived as a good starting point for creating a draft of education policy which is based on humanistic and not utilitarian values. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
The author constrasts the normativity of Europe with the center-periphery issue. He argues that the normativity of Europe has been challenged by the center-periphery problem. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the normativity of Europe and proposes a new concept – embeded normativity. In the second part, he presents several theories on the center-perifery relations and stresses the relevance of structural assymetries. In the third part, Central and Eastern Europe is compared to Latin America in three historic sequences. The last part is a summary of the arguemts and their relevance for the present crisis that can be understood as an ensemble of structural and systemic tendencies. ; U članku se kontrastira normativnost Evrope sa problematikom centar/periferija. Tvrdi se da je normativnost Evrope izazvana pomenutom problematikom. Shodno tome, u prvom delu se razmatraju elementi normativnosti u Evropi i pokušava se promisliti kategorija utkane normativnosti. U drugom delu se tretiraju teorije o odnosima između centra i periferije, te naglašava se relevantnost teorija koje artikulišu strukturalne asimetrije. U trećem delu se logikom komparativne metode stavljaju u odnos postignuća Srednje i Istočne Evrope i Latinske Amerike, i tematizuje se analitička relevantnost pomenute komparacije s obzirom na tri izabrane istorijske sekvence. U poslednjem delu se rezimira izvedena argumentacija s obzirom na sadašnju krizu i pokazuje da se reperiferijalizacija krize može razumeti kao sklop između strukturalnih i sistematskih tendencija.
The basic problem that the process of Euro integrations faces today is the absence of the European identity. There are ideas how it could be built, on what it should be based, but the basic problem is the EU has give up in a great extent from the real European values - the ideals like freedom, equality, solidarity, social justice, etc. Human rights are the European achievement, but a distinctive, therefore identity difference between the European and the Anglo-American interpretation is that the European variant guaranteed social-economic rights, which was actually a concretization of the great ideal of solidarity. Today, with prevailing ideology of globalism, just this element of human rights has been brutally waded, a part of the European identity with it. A similar situation is with what the Europeans consider the greatest achievement of the EU - free movement of people, goods and capital. Free movement of people is questioned by building barbed wires and creation of a new ante murale christianitatis, even in Islamic states, far away from the Schengen Area that is proclaimed untouchable. Moreover, all those people swarming to the Europe actually have close connections with it - they originate from former European colonies, brutally exploited by their metropolises for decades and centuries. Not only that, but recently their new 'Europeanization' has been attempted through the initialization of the 'Arab Spring' , which resulted with increase of the Islamic fundamentalism, disintegration of certain Arab states and tribal war in them, increase of terrorism and, of course, migrants from those areas. Although it would be justified to try to return the evil gotten to them at least partly, by refusing to accept the miserable the Europe gives the mortal strike to some of the main values that are considered its identity characteristics - free movement of people and solidarity. All this, actually, indicates on the absence of the European identity consciousness. There is no clearly defined content of the idea of the Euroidentity, nor there is consciousness of it with the citizens of the EU. The citizens of the EU are still more French, Englishmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, Poles, Czechs rather than the Europeans. Their Europeanism exists only on the level of usefulness and efficacy, therefore, the prediction is that the model of the EU as an international organizations generis will be kept for a long time, while identities in future will be tied for (European) nations.
According to Paul Kahn, one of the leading American constitutional theorists, the terms 'nation' and 'national sovereignty' are beyond the moral argument. From the perspective of constitutional ontology, the nation is the community of all those who share the 'political eros' love of the nation, who are ready to respond to her call and, if necessary, lay down their lives on the altar of its self-preservation. The moral debate about the limits of nation's state is meaningless, tells us Kahn. The boundaries of all, even liberal states arise through a 'make sacrifices' they 'never just a matter of geography', and therefore 'there is no abstract drawing of borders by some principle of justice. As in the life of the individual, the limits have the same necessity: There is nothing abstract in that necessity.'. Adapted from the source document.
Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.
