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This article aims to focus analysis of Locke's theory of international relations away from the familiar discourse of sovereignty and natural law and toward a different discourse involving self‐government and international society. It argues that Locke's conception of international society balanced interrelated, overlapping, and even competing claims about sovereignty and natural law in a normative framework in which the right of self‐government replaced the principle of sovereignty as the moral basis of international relations. Thus, for Locke the norms deduced from the law of nature govern the international state of nature even as independent societies remain the primary executors of the law of nature in international society. The article concludes by considering how Locke's reflections on international relations may contribute to our understanding of contemporary debates about sovereignty, the use of force, and the ethics of intervention.

This essay explicates Mary Austin's theory of citizenship and demonstrates her contribution to the larger literature on social democratic citizenship emerging in the early twentieth century. The primary text considered is her monograph,The Young Woman Citizen (1918).In this piece, Austin reimagines the spatial and gender ordering of the polity to create an integrative and inclusive civic ideal. She employs the concepts of society and mind as a means of blurring the boundaries between the public and private and integrating the polity, while she turns to woman‐thought, social capital, and the generative state to secure women's inclusion. Austin's work combines a unique form of the gender‐difference argument for suffrage with progressive political philosophies in an effort to construct a model of the polity in which women share sovereignty with men, socially, culturally, and institutionally.

We present a unified theory and test of extended immediate deterrence—unified in the sense that we employ our theoretical deterrence model as our statistical model in the empirical analysis. The theoretical model is a straightforward formalization of the deterrence logic in Huth (1988) and Huth and Russett (1984), coupled with private information concerning utilities. Our statistical analysis suggests that the attacker and defender's decisions are influenced by the balance of forces, nuclear weapons, defender‐protege military alliances, arms transfers, and trade, as well as the regime types of those involved. Many of these findings contradict previous research by Huth (1988) and Huth and Russett (1988). We find that many of the variables involved in the deterrence calculus are nonmonotonically linked to the probability of deterrence success or war. We illustrate the results with case studies of the Soviet‐Japanese dispute over Manchukuo (1937–1938) and the Berlin Blockade (1948).

We investigate the effects of fiscal transparency and political polarization on the prevalence of electoral cycles in fiscal balance. While some recent political economy literature on electoral cycles identifies such cycles mainly in weak and recent democracies, in contrast we show, conditioning on a new index of institutional fiscal transparency, that electoral cycles in fiscal balance are a feature of many advanced industrialized economies. Using a sample of 19 OECD countries in the 1990s, we identify a persistent pattern of electoral cycles in low(er) transparency countries, while no such cycles can be observed in high(er) transparency countries. Furthermore, we find, in accordance with recent theory, that electoral cycles are larger in politically more polarized countries.

This article presents an overview of the major issues investigated in a longitudinal study of development from infancy through early adulthood regarding the relationships between maternal and dual-earner employment and children's development. Based on the results of this extensive and long-term study, as well as integrating the results of other researchers, the authors advance a developmental impingement and family adaptation perspective to guide the interpretation of research findings as well as to formulate new research directions. Maternal and dual-earner employment can best be understood in the context of the multiplicity of factors that exist in the child's environment.

Relations between maternal employment and young adults' work and family expectations, and self-efficacy were examined with 721 college students (mean age = 21 years). Young men expected more work hours per day and older retirement age, whereas women expected full-time work at a younger age and more time with spouse and children each week. Individuals with employed mothers reported less traditional family attitudes (e.g., fewer children planned, egalitarian division of household duties). Although women with employed mothers expected to spend less time per week with families than women with nonemployed mothers, men with employed mothers expected to spend more time with their families than men with nonemployed mothers. Women reported greater general, parenting, and work self-efficacy than men, and individuals with employed mothers reported greater parenting self-efficacy. Men with consistently non-employed mothers were particularly likely to report lower self-efficacy. Processes within dual-earner families are discussed as potential mechanisms underlying development of offspring self-efficacy.