Suchergebnisse

The Treaty of Trianon (hereinafter Trianon), the enormous losses of territory and co-ethnics, and the shaking of Hungary's status as a dominant power in the Carpathian Basin imputed a tragic understanding of contemporary Hungarian history on the Hungarian society, invoking the idea of a trauma lasting even today. Trianon's understanding became a divisive issue for political parties after 1989, highlighting the ever-deeper divisions between right and left-liberals, since 2010. Its "overcoming" is a flagship project of the government's politics of identity, with modest success so far. Thus, the 100th anniversary was a crucial moment as a test case for a self-professed nationalist, traditionalist, conservative political force for manifesting a comprehensive politics of memory. In the light of the newly built monument at the heart of Budapest, with the Hungarian names of all localities on the territory of pre-1918 Hungary inscribed on its wall, a cautious shifting back to territorial revisionism was expected. In this article, I will argue that even with such tendencies being, obviously, present, the official commemorations were crafted with a surprising message, that attempts to turn the canonical understanding of Trianon upside down and reframe it into a common catastrophe of Central Europe. Doing so places the consequences in the context of the decolonization of history, the present decline of empires, and the emergence of nation-states while combining it with important tropes of the traditional, anti-liberal and revisionist Trianon discourse. Nevertheless, the result is a transparently political message that is not only driven by easily visible actual political goals (V4 and Central European), but one that detaches the politics of memory from historical references and legacies and creates a set of shallow symbols for utter instrumentalization, to recombine at will, in a vulgarised sense of post-modernism.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

Underground literature exists only in historical archives or in private collec­tions – and stands no chance of affecting the contemporary debate. Who would be now really interested in liberal views or thematic and aesthetic diversity of underground literature when radical forces, fake news and trolls increasingly shape communication in the public space? Can the escalation of ideological conflicts in Poland lead to a more instrumental approach towards the myth of dissident literature and the press by political actors? What potential for literary and cultural research (but also for teaching) does the underground literature and press have? Does the transition from samizdat to digitization facilitate cultivating memory about these publications? And last but not least, is it time to demythologize some aspects of this culture? 30 years after the abolition of censorship, a question can still be asked why heroes of the Polish history such as printers, distributors and authors are not present in popular forms of remembrance. ; Literatura podziemna istnieje obecnie tylko w archiwach historycznych lub w zbiorach prywatnych i nie ma szansy wpłynąć na współczesny dyskurs. Któż byłby dziś naprawdę zainteresowany prezentowanymi w niej liberal­nymi poglądami, jej różnorodnością tematyczną i estetyczną, kiedy radykalne siły, fake newsy i trolle w coraz większym stopniu kształtują komunikację w przestrzeni publicznej? Czy eskalacja konfliktów ideologicznych w Polsce może prowadzić do instrumentalizacji mitu literatury i prasy dysydenckiej przez uczestników życia politycznego? Jaki potencjał dla badań literaturo-i kulturoznawczych oraz dydaktyki tkwi w podziemnej literaturze i prasie? Czy digitalizacja druków drugoobiegowych ułatwia kultywowanie pamięci o tych publikacjach? I wreszcie – czy nadszedł czas demitologizacji niektó­rych aspektów kultury niezależnej? 30 lat po zniesieniu cenzury nadal aktualne jest pytanie o nieobecność w popularnych formach pamięci bohaterów polskiej historii – drukarzy, kol­porterów i autorów.

Diplomatic relations as a form of interstate communication is a matter of exceptional importance for both the foreign policy strategy and the ability to successfully implement transnational cooperation postulate. However, the historical approach to the following matter itself seems relevant for proper understanding of the Polish roads to regain its independence, it appears to be far more complicated issue that requires a multifaceted analysis. The closer look at the essence of diplomatic relations, by that means, enables to come up with postulates that determine the modern art of political communication. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to present diversity upon the diplomatic relations and their impact on international integration in the light of the reborn Polish state. ; Stosunki dyplomatyczne jako forma komunikacji międzypaństwowej, będąc w przyjętym rozumieniu kwalifikowaną (oficjalną) postacią prowadzonej polityki zagranicznej, stanowi materię o szczególnej doniosłości w perspektywie realizacji postulatu efektywnej współpracy ponadnarodowej. Historyczne ujęcie problematyki, wszak niewątpliwie istotne dla zrozumienia drogi prowadzącej do odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości, stanowi niezwykle złożoną materię, wymagającą przeprowadzenia wieloaspektowej analizy. Zdaje się to niemniej ważne także w zamiarze opracowania postulatów determinujących całokształt współczesnej sztuki dyplomacji. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest przedstawienie różnorodności w zakresie stosunków dyplomatycznych oraz ich wpływu na koncepcję integracji międzynarodowej w świetle odrodzonego Państwa Polskiego.

On July 9, 2021, the Republic of South Sudan celebrate the 10th anniversary of its independence. This study is an analysis of the functioning of South Sudan as a fullfledged member of the international community. We also analyzed the mistakes made by the government of this young country over the years of its independence and found out what consequences they led.

By 2014, the EU will celebrate the 10th anniversary of the biggest ever expansion of its borders. In 2004, among its members appointed countries of the region, which since the end of World War II have been isolated politically, economically and mentally from benefits of the ,,Western" integration. The upcoming anniversary is a good time for a broader rethink how Poland uses the existing opportunities that obtained with the accession to the EU. The thesis of the author is the conviction that without the accession to the EU, Poland would not have obtained the current relative stability in the political, economic and social. However, at the same time, author believes the EU would fail without Polish current role in international relations. By analyzing the above issues, author tries to answer the question of whether currently existing opportunity to strengthen the position of the Polish EU, specifically in the first circle of integration by strengthening cooperation with Germany? In addition, the article is subjected to criticism, opinions about the marginal role of Polish in the European structures. Author in the following dissertation is based on extensive literature Polish and foreign, as well as his own thoughts and previous work published in national journals."

During the celebration of the 65th anniversary of the Fifth Republic, the longevity and vitality of the Constitution was explained by its ability to adapt to all political situations, such as the alternation of right and left or cohabitation. The fundamental issue highlighted by the authors of the study is to guarantee the continuity of public policies and thus the effectiveness of public action. They show the evolution of institutions, the nuances of political practices, raise numerous questions, but do not question the legitimacy of maintaining France's system under the Fifth Republic.

On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union. ; On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.

May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union's Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine's priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.

This article offers a presentation of the Polish-Russian cross-border and interregional cooperation at the intergovernmental level. To this end, it refers to specific international documents on the basis of which three Polish- Russian institutions have been established to coordinate this area of cooperation. In addition to a conceptual framework outlined, the text includes a short historical outline to help the reader trace the beginnings and development of the Polish-Russian cross-border and interregional cooperation in the adopted approach. When describing the activities of intergovernmental councils and commissions, the author draws attention to their positions in the central administration and their structures, listing specific areas of mutual cooperation. The presentation ends with an attempt to evaluate the activities of the said bodies and the search for new perspectives in the context of the upcoming thirtieth anniversary of the agreement on cross-border cooperation with Russia.

One of the foreign policy priorities of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia is to support the Eastern Partnership (EaP) programme as a strategic dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy and a key element of stability and economic progress in Eastern Europe. The Baltic States are of the opinion that relations with the EaP states should remain one of the priorities of the Eastern Dimension of the EU's foreign policy. The cooperation of the Baltic States with the Eastern partners results both from the ambitions and willingness to strengthen international prestige and role, as well as the need to ensure security and stability of the region in the context of Russia's aggressive policy. The 10th anniversary of EaP is an opportunity to assess the contribution of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to the development of the programme and to discuss the future of cooperation.