Suchergebnisse

Sve je uobičajenije za web aplikacije i poslužitelje za pohranu podataka rukovanje putem programskog rješenja u oblaku; stoga je sve veći broj ljudi koji svoje privatne podatke stavljaju na internet, motivirajući istraživanje mogućnosti programskog rješenja u oblaku, sigurnosti baza podataka i kodiranih nadležnosti. U procjeni Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP)-a, ubacivanje SQL-a jedan je od najopasnijih napadnih vektora na sigurnost interneta. Imajući to u vidu, uveli smo sustav nazvan sustav za probijanje sigurnosti web mjesta, koji pokreće algoritam za pretraživanje weba kako bi analizirao propuste na zaštiti URL-a i adresa e-pošte ispitivanjem crnih kutija web mjesta 20 poznatih sveučilišta. Na temelju naših podataka, održavatelji akademskih web mjesta mogu saznati kakvoj su opasnosti izloženi, kojim URL-ovima prijeti veća opasnost i što učiniti kako bi uredili web stranicu za zaštitu od ranjivosti i sprijećili napade na akademske resurse. Nadamo se da će se u budućnosti veća pažnja posvetiti sigurnosti informacija na akademskim mrežama, kako se to danas čini s komercijalnim i vladinim mrežama. ; It is becoming increasingly common for web application and data storage services to be handled by cloud computing; therefore, more and more people are putting their private information on the internet, motivating research into cloud computing, database security and authority encryption. In the Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP) assessment, SQL injection is one of the most dangerous attack vectors in internet security. With this in mind, we have implemented a system named the website security mining system, which leverages a web crawling algorithm to analyze web URL and e-mail address leaks through black-box testing of 20 well-known universities' websites. Based on our data, academic website maintainers can be clearly informed about what kind of danger they are exposed to, which URLs are highly in danger, and the need to patch the website to protect against vulnerabilities and prevent academic resources from attacks. We hope that in the future, academic networks will gain more attention in the information security community, just like commercial and government networks today.

Ova analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije, a posebno razdoblja vladavine Josipa Broza Tita, prvo je politološko razmatranje te teme nasuprot većini studija koja se njome bave iz historiografske perspektive. U prvom dijelu članka prikazani su glavni elementi analize vanjske politike, pri čemu se autor usredotočuje na odnos aktera i struktura kao jedan njezin element. U drugom dijelu prikazane su teorijske i metodološke postavke na kojima se zasniva analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije. Autor zaključuje da je proces odlučivanja o vanjskoj politici Jugoslavije evoluirao od 1945. do 1980. tako što je Tito, kao glavni donositelj odluka, sve više morao voditi računa o strukturi i raznim akterima unutar nje. Očita je bila sve veća pluralizacija procesa odlučivanja, kako na horizontalnoj razini, u interakciji Saveznog sekretarijata za inozemne poslove, partijskog vrha i Titova kabineta, tako i na vertikalnoj osi, kroz utjecaj republika i pokrajina na odlučivanje na saveznoj razini. Iako je ostao glavni donositelj odluka, Titovu su moć s vremenom znatno ograničili utjecaji drugih aktera, osobito otkako je sedamdesetih godina Predsjedništvo SFRJ dobilo mnoge ovlasti. ; Unlike the great majority of analyses that have taken the historiographic perspective, this study of socialist Yugoslavia's foreign policy, focusing on the Josip Broz Tito era, is the first of its kind to provide a perspective of political science. The first section of this article provides an overview of the main elements of foreign policy analysis, whereby the author focuses on the relationship between the actors and the structures as one of its inherent elements. The second section offers insight into the theoretical and methodological tenets on which the analysis of socijalist Yugoslavia's foreign policy resides. The author argues that the foreign-policy decision-making process in Yugoslavia evolved between 1945 and 1980 as Tito, the chief decision-maker, increasingly had to take into account the structure and the multiple actors within that structure. Evidently, the decision-making processes were becoming more and more pluralized both horizontally, in the interaction between the Federal Secretariat for Foreign Affairs, party leadership and Tito's cabinet, and vertically – as seen from the influence the republics and provinces hadon federal decision-making. Though he remained the chief decision-maker, with time Tito's power became limited by other actors' influence, in particular after the Presidency of Yugoslavia was given extensive authority in the 1970s.

Odluke u javnim poduzećima ne donose se isključivo na temelju kriterija profitabilnosti, već je riječ o objedinjavanju kriterija tržišnosti i javnosti. Unatoč raznolikosti ciljeva koje projektima u javnom sektoru treba zadovoljiti te činjenici da se odluke donose političkim procesom pregovaranja između dionika, podloga donošenju odluka treba biti analiza troškova i koristi. Pri tome treba uključiti sve koristi: materijalne i nematerijalne, izravne i posredne. Valja imati na umu da projekt treba biti troškovno pokriven kako u fazi izgradnje, tako i u fazi korištenja i održavanja. U ovome radu analiziraju se odluke u javnom poduzeću HAC s naglaskom na upravljačke odluke pri izgradnji autoceste A1. Ciljevi izgradnje ove autoceste bili su povezivanje državnoga prostora, povezivanje s europskom mrežom autocesta, razvoj turizma te povećanje sigurnosti prometa. Ti su ciljevi ostvareni. No nisu ostvareni željeni ciljevi povećanja razvoja, posebno gospodarskoga razvoja ruralnih i slabije naseljenih područja te zadržavanja i povećanja broja stanovnika. Tržišni ciljevi projekta također nisu ostvareni. Troškovi izgradnje dionice od Bosiljeva do Splita premašili su planirane troškove za 3 milijarde kuna. Prihodi su od 2015. do 2017. godine bili u prosjeku 500 milijuna kuna manji od projiciranih. Na temelju ovih podataka nameće se pitanje je li autocestu A1 trebalo graditi s pomoću kredita ili putem javno-privatnog partnerstva. S obzirom na pogreške u projekcijama, može se pretpostaviti da bi model javno-privatnog partnerstva podrazumijevao realniju procjenu prometne dinamike, nižu cijenu gradnje, bolje upravljanje prihodima, ali i postupniju gradnju. ; Decision-making in public companies does not take place solely based on profitability criteria, but it concerns the merging of market and public criteria. However, despite the diversity of objectives that public sector projects need to meet, and the fact that decisions are made through the process of political negotiation between stakeholders, the basis for making decisions ought to be an analysis of costs and benefits. Thus, it should include all benefits, both material and immaterial, direct and indirect. Yet, one should bear in mind that the project should be cost-effective, both in the construction phase and at the stage of use and maintenance. This paper analyses decisions made in the HAC (Croatian Highways) public company with an emphasis on management decisions when building the A1 motorway. During the construction of this highway, the objectives were to connect the state territory, connect with the European highway network, develop tourism and increase traffic safety. These objectives have been achieved. However, the desired goals of increasing development, specifically the economic development of rural and less-populated areas, and the retention and increase of the population have not been achieved. The project commercial goals have also not been realized. The costs of building Bosiljevo-Split highway section exceeded the planned costs by 3 billion Croatian kuna. The revenues from 2015 to 2017 were on average 500 million Croatian kuna less than projected. Based on these data, the question is whether the A1 motorway should have been built via a loan or through a public-private partnership. Given projection errors, it can be assumed that a model of public-private partnership would have implied a more realistic assessment of traffic dynamics, lower cost of construction, better revenue management, and probably more gradual construction.

U radu je dan pregled mehanizama širenja buke, modela interakcije kotača i tračnica te europski propisi koji se odnose na buku od željezničkog prometa. Opisane su akustične i neakustične mjere za smanjenje razina buke te je procijenjena njihova učinkovitost. Dane su preporuke za definiranje kriterija za njihovo vrednovanje kako bi se u najvećoj mogućoj mjeri prilagodile lokalnim uvjetima. Analizirana je projektna dokumentacija litvanskih i međunarodnih željeznica kako bi se prikazalo koje su mjere zaštite primijenjene na toj lokaciji i kako bi se ocijenila njihova učinkovitost. ; The paper presents an overview of noise propagation mechanisms, wheel–rail interaction models, and the European legislation regulating noise emitted by railway traffic. Acoustic and non-acoustic methods for noise mitigation are described, and their effectiveness is evaluated. Recommendations are given about criteria that can be used for their evaluation so as to ensure the greatest possible level of their compliance with local conditions. The design documentation of Lithuanian international lines is analysed in order to determine noise mitigation measures applied in that region, and to assess their effectiveness.

Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the ...

Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the idea of establishing a direct link between the Union and the citizens of particular Members States still has a long path of development before it.

Članak se, iz perspektive »primijenjene makijavelistike«, bavi Machiavellijevim Umijećem ratovanja (Dell'arte della guerra) i drugim djelima (Vladar, Rasprave o prvoj dekadi Tita Livija) u kojima autor, između ostalog, daje i savjete za uspješniju borbu, vojnu i političku. Znakovito je da ti savjeti renesansnog filozofa i nakon petsto godina imaju velik odjek. Nekoliko relevantnih autora, dobrih poznavatelja njegova djela, zadnjih godina objavilo je knjige u kojima se Machiavellijeva misao reaktualizira u kontekstu borbi i odluka u 21. stoljeću, bilo da se radi o savjetima za menadžere u »ratovima« u poslovnom svijetu, bilo da se radi o pomoći biračima na izborima kako bi izabrali boljeg vladara. Analizirajući ta djela koja aktualiziraju Machiavellija kao vodiča i savjetnika u suvremenim borbama i odlukama, pokazuje se u kojoj mjeri takav pristup banalizira Machiavellijevu misao, a koliko pridonosi novoj, kreativnoj recepciji njegova djela. ; From the perspective of "applied 'machiavelistics'", the paper deals with Machiavelli's The Art of War (Dell'arte della guerra) and other works (The Prince, Discourses on Livy) in which the author, among other things, gives advice for successful struggle, military and political. It is significant that these advices of Renaissance philosopher have a strong impact even after five hundred years. Few relevant authors that are familiar with his work recently published several books that reactualize Machiavelli's thought in the context of the struggle and decision making in the 21st century, whether it is about advising managers in the "wars" within the business world, or it is offering assistance to voters in elections in order to choose a better ruler. Analysing these works, which updated Machiavelli as guide and counselor in contemporary struggles and decisions, shows the extent to which this approach trivializes Machiavelli's thought, but also in how many ways it contributing to new, creative reception of his work.

Being of the theoretical approaches to the study of the EU, the goal of the analysis of policy networks is to identify the policy process actors, both governmental & non-governmental, & the structure of their interaction in order to describe, explain & predict the outcomes of the European public policy. Many authors claim that the exceptionally rapid development of this approach in the last thirty years (& its intensive EU application since the 1990s) can be attributed to the changes in the contemporary practice of governance. Namely, although public policy is above all related to the accountability of authorities in securing public goods, the tasks are increasingly allocated to a growing number of non-governmental actors, especially in the EU. In its analysis of policy networks the paper offers the typology of the actors & an array of the concepts which define the structuring of their interaction (in the policy literature the term policy network is used generically & also when referring to the EU). It also outlines the continuum of the types of EU policy networks which as independent variable affect the outcomes of the European public policy. The paper identifies which approach within the analysis of policy networks the application to the EU belongs to. In the EU research policy networks are understood as an instrument of the policy analysis that explains the decisions shaping public policy at the subsystem level of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making & for the other types of decisions to grasp the entirety of the manner in which public policy in the EU is shaped. The policy network analysis contributes most to improving the understanding of everyday events in the process of creating European public policy, the events the change the environment in which key decisions are made as well as the actors' perceptions of their own interests. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Rad se bavi analizom decizionističke paradigme političkoga u Bosni i Hercegovini. U prvome dijelu rada postavlja se kratka teorijska osnova decizionizma na kojoj analiza počiva. Drugi dio je posvećen pojašnjavanju dvaju ključnih uzroka decizionističke matrice u BiH. Riječ je o trosegmentalnom suverenitetu kao temelju državnosti i njemu pridruženim konsocijacijskim elementima koji su ugrađeni u politički sustav. U trećem se dijelu analiziraju četiri oblika manifestacije decizionističkoga modela. Pojašnjava se fenomen legitimacije izvaninstitucionalnoga odlučivanja te zanemarivanja uloge zakonodavnih tijela koje se u decizionističkoj matrici smatraju "pričaonicama" bez stvarne moći. Nadalje, objašnjava se povratna reakcija nacionalnih zajednica koje putem izbora ili drugim oblicima artikulacije javnoga mnijenja djeluju kao retroaktivni odobravatelji vlastitih etnopolitika. Zatim se analizira fenomen konvivijalnosti nacionalnih političkih elita koje se međusobno održavaju na životu i upotpunjuju na simboličkoj i djelatnoj razini. Iako u obliku političkih neprijatelja, jedne su drugima neophodne za održavanje u političkoj sferi. Naposljetku, pojašnjava se uloga međunarodne zajednice, ponajprije kroz instituciju visokoga predstavnika koji legitimira decizionistički model, a nerijetko i sam u njemu aktivno sudjeluje. ; The paper deals with the analysis of decisionist paradigm of the political in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The frst segment of the paper sets a brief theoretical basis of decisionism on which the analysis is based. The second segment is focused on the clarifcation of two key causes of the decisionism matrix in B&H. It deals with a tripartite sovereignty as the foundation of statehood and its joint consociational elements which are built in a political system. In the third part of the paper, the four forms of manifestation of the decisionist model are analysed. The phenomenon of the decision-making legitimising without regard for the institutions is explained, as well as the neglecting of the role of legislative authorities which are, in the decisionist matrix, considered to be "chat rooms" without real power. Furthermore, the paper explains the feedback of the national communities which, through elections and other forms of expression of the public opinion, act as retroactive approvers of their own ethnopolitics. The phenomenon of coexistence of national political elites is then analysed, as they keep one another alive and complement each other on both symbolic and functional levels. They need each other in order to survive in the political sphere even though they act as political enemies. Finally, the paper explains the role of international community, primarily through the institution of the High Representative which does not only legitimise the decisionist model but often assumes an active role in it as well.

The author presents the complex institutional framework of the youth policy in Croatia using the theoretical insights from network management, described in the edited volume by Kickert, Klijn & Koppenjan Managing Complex Networks, as well as the typology of Theodor Lowi who recognizes four basic types of policies: distributive, redistributive, regulative & constitutive. The analysis shows that the youth policy in Croatia is basically a redistributive policy with elements of regulative policy. It is also shown that the success of the policy depends on strengthening the roof youth organization that could be both a partner & a critic in the working of government. Exploring whether young people have material goods, whether they are represented in the formal decision making bodies & whether they are well informed, the article points to the disadvantaged position of young people in Croatia that corresponds to the concept of social exclusion, which means that young people suffer from the impossibility to influence the circumstances, rules of the game & the future development of the political community where they live. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The formulation of the new political parties' programs & statutes in Croatia is considered to be a less important normative aspect of political activity. Yet a comparative analysis of the content of the statutes articulated by the political parties in Croatia at the time when they were formed reveals the prevailing tendencies of political practice in that period as well as the level concomitant of experience in political organizing. Some of the findings point to significant differences among the emerging political parties in matters such as the treatment of members' rights & duties, attitudes toward internal party discipline, the procedure related to affiliation, the authority pertaining to the parties' presidents, the inclusion of youth in making party policy, models of decision making, & attitudes toward earlier parties in Croatian political history. The author stresses that his analysis does not refer to the time of writing but to the situation at the very beginning of the institutionalization of party pluralism. He believes that his results may offer important insights for some future classification of the Croatian party system. Adapted from the source document.

Game theory as a theory of interactive decision making formalizes the modeling of social processes by creating an analytical basis for analyzing decision making in circumstances of risks, & the actors' cooperation or noncooperation. The core concepts -- Nash & Stackelberg's equilibrium, stochastic & differential games, transferable utility, cooperative & noncooperative games -- illustrate the scope of issues in the international economy that are applicable to the game theory. The author analyzes several instances of game theory in the international economy: various national tariff policies & the creation of tariff unions; international cartels; extraction of the resources of joint property; coalitions; & international negotiations. The author presupposes a smattering of knowledge of the game theory technique; as far as possible, the analysis is carried out nontechnically. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural areas. This will be done through an analysis of EU documents, highlighting key decisions and plans. Furthermore, this document will attempt to provide a comparative analysis of the researched countries of the European Union, which is an analysis of how much EAFRD is used and how this has affected the development of their rural economic sector, with a more detailed overview of the use of the EAFRD in the Republic of Croatia, as well as Estonia, Romania and Poland.Through a comparative analysis of selected countries of the European Union, the used EAFRD funds are presented, as well as an overview of the agriculture of those countries and their positioning in the European Union.

Czech Republic started deploying its soldiers abroad shortly after the fall of communism. However, there are still questions which need to be answered: What were the main motives for sending out these operations? Did they change in time? How strong is the political consensus in this matter? These questions are answered by conducting a content analysis of political debates in the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament from 1999 to 2009. Based on theoretically founded analytical categories, the article conducts a quantitative survey of the discourse, which is then interpreted in relation to key variables (eg., the positions of supporters & opponents of the missions, types of operations). The resulting findings reveal the motives which helped legitimize the decisions on deployments during the period under review & demonstrate the tensions which threaten to undermine the existing political consensus. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom radu nastojim ispitati osnovnu tezu o nastanku prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se pojavljuju kao poseban historijsko-empirijski model stranačke organizacije. Model prezidencijaliziranih stranaka ne predstavlja sljedeću fazu u postojećoj razvojnoj teoriji političkih stranaka koja bi označila kretanje prema još jednomu novom tipu stranke, niti mu se mogu pridodati značenja i vrijednosti novoga razvojnog tipa. Valjan je samo kao analitički model kojim se na historijskoj i empirijskoj razini može pratiti prilagodba suvremenih političkih stranaka zahtjevima socijalnih i političkih čimbenika za sve većom individualizacijom političkog života. Ono što prezidencijalizirane stranke čini specifičnim modelom upravo su ključne karakteristike snažne koncentracije moći u rukama stranačkog vođe i centralizacije procesa političkog odlučivanja, iz čega proizlaze njegova autonomija u formuliranju stranačkih politika, programa i izbornih strategija, neupitna dominacija nad svim razinama stranačke organizacije te rigidna hijerarhijska stranačka struktura. Komparativna analiza britanske Laburističke stranke, Španjolske socijalističke radničke stranke i Hrvatske demokratske zajednice nedvosmisleno je potvrdila glavnu hipotezu kojom je uspostavljena uzročna veza između složene kombinacije strukturnih i kontekstualnih čimbenika, koji su identificirani kao glavni pokretači prezidencijalizacijskih procesa, i nastanka prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se organizacijski prilagođavaju izazovima suvremenih demokracija. ; In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other. In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other.