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2022 marks the 30th anniversary of the Treaty of Good Neighbourhood, Friendly Relations, and Cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. In the presented article, by applying elements of decision analysis, an attempt was made to explain the decision to conclude the Treaty. First, the decision-making centres in Poland and Ukraine, and their awareness with respect to Polish-Ukrainian relations, were presented as three separate circles: public opinion, political parties, and groups of the most important decision-makers. The decision to sign the treaty was possible thanks to the political and intellectual elites who originated in the former communist-era opposition, both in Poland and Ukraine. Those elites convinced the governing circles to accept their conception of foreign policy. In Poland, this was all the easier because people originating directly from those elites formed part of the decision-making bodies. In Ukraine, however, the foreign policy conception of the dissident circles was internalised by the President. Secondly, using the game theory and assuming the rationality of decision-makers, the decision-making process was reconstructed, understood in the category of interactions between two decision-making centres. The two states aimed to conclude a treaty that would satisfy both parties. It can thus be concluded that they demonstrated a readiness to compromise during the negotiations. It can also be assumed that this readiness was slightly asymmetrical in Poland's favour. Ukraine was willing to sacrifice much more in order for the treaty to be negotiated.

The aim of our discussion is to look at the socio-economic analysis. It should be assumed that this is the basic resource of various types of knowledge (policy knowledge), which - in principle - is to provide the basis for making public decisions. As a result, these decisions are to be optimal or better than those decisions that are based only on intuition, belief, etc. This is, therefore, an analysis that is to be a resource of rationalized, verifiable knowledge from reliable sources.

Od wielu lat prowadzony jest dyskurs naukowy, dążący do ujęcia zjawisk integracyjnych w Europie w teoretyczne ramy. Wielu badaczy, zajmujących się tworzeniem modeli rozwoju współpracy międzynarodowej sugeruje przeniesienie analizy z poziomu systemu na poziom poszczególnych państw, celem lepszego uzasadnienia motywów integracji oraz jej zróżnicowanych form. Z kolei zrozumienie zachowania państwa na arenie międzynarodowej, w tym działań podjętych wobec innych aktorów – państw lub organizacji, na płaszczyźnie bilateralnej lub multilateralnej nie jest możliwe bez wyjaśnienia natury i charakteru procesów decyzyjnych. Niniejszy artykuł jest więc próśb zwrócenia uwagi na proces decyzyjny, jako istotnego elementu analizy procesów integracyjnych w Europie. Co więcej, punktem odniesienia jest Szwajcaria, formalnie nienależąca do UE, ale silnie z niż zintegrowana, głównie na bazie powiązań bilateralnych. Zaprezentowana charakterystyka procesu decyzyjnego w kraju niebędącego członkiem Wspólnoty pokazuje, jakie elementy należałoby brać pod uwagę, analizując zachowanie państw na arenie międzynarodowej oraz dlaczego właściwa jego analiza może posłużyć wyjaśnieniu alternatywnych form integracji europejskiej, stanowiąc tym samym przyczynek do dyskusji nad jej teoretycznymi aspektami. ; For many years we have been witnessing scientific disputes between researchers, who are involved in modelling the development of European integration. Many of them have suggested moving its analysis from the level of whole system to the level of individual states, in order to justify better the motives of integration and its various forms. The understanding of the behaviour of the states on the international arena, including actions taken towards other actors – also states or organizations, is not possible without explaining the nature and character of the decision-making processes. Therefore, this article is focusing on the decision-making process as an important element in the analysis of European integration. Switzerland is used here as a reference point, a country formally remaining outside of the EU, but practically strongly integrated with the Community. The presented characteristics of decision-making process in Switzerland shows which elements should be taken into account when analysing the behaviour of states on the international arena, and why its proper analysis can be used to clarify the alternative forms of European integration. Thus, providing a contribution to the discussion on its theoretical aspects.

For many years we have been witnessing scientific disputes between researchers, who are involved in modelling the development of European integration. Many of them have suggested moving its analysis from the level of whole system to the level of individual states, in order to justify better the motives of integration and its various forms. The understanding of the behaviour of the states on the international arena, including actions taken towards other actors – also states or organizations, is not possible without explaining the nature and character of the decision-making processes. Therefore, this article is focusing on the decision-making process as an important element in the analysis of European integration. Switzerland is used here as a reference point, a country formally remaining outside of the EU, but practically strongly integrated with the Community. The presented characteristics of decision-making process in Switzerland shows which elements should be taken into account when analysing the behaviour of states on the international arena, and why its proper analysis can be used to clarify the alternative forms of European integration. Thus, providing a contribution to the discussion on its theoretical aspects. ; Od wielu lat prowadzony jest dyskurs naukowy, dążący do ujęcia zjawisk integracyjnych w Europie w teoretyczne ramy. Wielu badaczy, zajmujących się tworzeniem modeli rozwoju współpracy międzynarodowej sugeruje przeniesienie analizy z poziomu systemu na poziom poszczególnych państw, celem lepszego uzasadnienia motywów integracji oraz jej zróżnicowanych form. Z kolei zrozumienie zachowania państwa na arenie międzynarodowej, w tym działań podjętych wobec innych aktorów – państw lub organizacji, na płaszczyźnie bilateralnej lub multilateralnej nie jest możliwe bez wyjaśnienia natury i charakteru procesów decyzyjnych. Niniejszy artykuł jest więc próbą zwrócenia uwagi na proces decyzyjny, jako istotnego elementu analizy procesów integracyjnych w Europie. Co więcej, punktem odniesienia jest Szwajcaria, formalnie nienależąca do UE, ale silnie z nią zintegrowana, głównie na bazie powiązań bilateralnych. Zaprezentowana charakterystyka procesu decyzyjnego w kraju niebędącego członkiem Wspólnoty pokazuje, jakie elementy należałoby brać pod uwagę, analizując zachowanie państw na arenie międzynarodowej oraz dlaczego właściwa jego analiza może posłużyć wyjaśnieniu alternatywnych form integracji europejskiej, stanowiąc tym samym przyczynek do dyskusji nad jej teoretycznymi aspektami.

The article aims at presenting basic problems of decision-making independence of an enterprise arising in connection with the present (instituted in 1982) economic reform which opened new and hitherto unknown possibilities for an enterprise to shape independently its own activity at short and long range. The considerations are laid in a historical background, helping to accentuate innovatory and progressive conceptions of the reform and to expose the facts of retaining or rejecting some solutions introduced by previous reforms. The starting point has been provided by the thesis about limied decision-making independence of an enterprise as long as the national economy functions under the conditions of socialized basic means of production and the active role of the central plan. However, the above does not settle explicitly the question of the range and types of independence; the latter may be shapd in various ways. Accepting fully an extensive, and as broad as possible, independence of an enterprise in current and developmental matters, the author carried out the detailed analysis of three main decision-making spheres: 1) the decisions concerning production and exploitation, 2) the decisions concerning supplies and sales, 3) the decisions concerning property and income. The results of the analysis are to inform the management of new opportunities and prerogatives of its decision-making activity and of the problems to be autonomically overcome and solved by means of decision-making measures. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article presents three key elements involved in е-participation of citizens in public affairs. Firstly, e-information – information on the government web sites that is of interest to the community. Secondly, e-consultation – mechanisms and tools of online discussion on socially significant problems. Thirdly, e-decision making – the consideration of the contribution of online citizens in the decision-making process, providing continuous feedback. Moreover, the article presents the challenges that rise from implementing them, as well as the benefits that they bring. The most important among these benefits are: strengthening the democratic legitimacy of the authorities, improving the regulations adopted by legislative bodies and decisions made by the executive, more efficient processing of documents and their distribution among the interested parties, and increasing the level of compliance with the established rules.

The article presents three key elements involved in е-participation of citizens in public affairs. Firstly, e-information – information on the government web sites that is of interest to the community. Secondly, e-consultation – mechanisms and tools of online discussion on socially significant problems. Thirdly, e-decision making – the consideration of the contribution of online citizens in the decision-making process, providing continuous feedback. Moreover, the article presents the challenges that rise from implementing them, as well as the benefits that they bring. The most important among these benefits are: strengthening the democratic legitimacy of the authorities, improving the regulations adopted by legislative bodies and decisions made by the executive, more efficient processing of documents and their distribution among the interested parties, and increasing the level of compliance with the established rules.

The paper analyzes how selected budgetary governance institutions can influence the motivation and capability of public sector entities to generate, implement, and diffuse innovations in public production. Numerical fiscal rules, top-down and concentrated budgetary decision-making process, medium-term budget framework and program budgeting were identified as having positive impacts. The analysis is followed by an assessment of the central government sub-sector budgetary governance system in Poland, which showed that the existing budgetary arrangements might be classified as innovation restrictive. The concentration of public decision-making within the budgetary process and integration of the budgetary governance system with other public governance systems by means of a common programmatic architecture were recommended as prerequisites for effective stimulation of public sector innovativeness.

Abstract: Foreign policy analysis (FPA), recognized as a sub-discipline of international relations, focused on explaining foreign policy or, alternatively, on the processes and behaviors in the framework of this policy. FPA is characterized by an actor-specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision-makers acting singly or in groups. Explication of the process and the behavior of decision-makers may need to reach categories and tools developed within other disciplines. The main aim of the paper is to identify the emphasis of interdisciplinary research especially in the perspective adopted by the author of the individual level of analysis of foreign policy. The use of tools and categories relevant to the study of political leadership and political psychology, may allow, more than ever, verifiability of assertions in the study of foreign policy. ; Analiza polityki zagranicznej ujmowana jako subdyscyplina stosunków międzynarodowych albo alternatywnie wyodrębniony obszar badawczy koncentruje się na wyjaśnianiu polityki zagranicznej, nawiązując do teoretycznych założeń i twierdzeń na temat ludzkich zachowań jednostek. Eksplikacja zachowań i decyzji decydentów podejmowanych w ramach polityki zagranicznej może wymagać sięgnięcia do kategorii i narzędzi wypracowanych w ramach innych dyscyplin. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie interdyscyplinarności badań, zwłaszcza przy przyjętej przez autorkę perspektywie jednostkowego poziomu analizy polityki zagranicznej. Zastosowanie narzędzi i kategorii właściwych studiom nad przywództwem politycznym, a także psychologii politycznej może umożliwić większą niż dotychczas weryfikowalność twierdzeń w badaniach nad polityką zagraniczną.

Taxation of trading in cryptocurrencies raised many doubtsby the end of 2018, in particular in light of the lack of special rules in relation to income taxes and tax on civil law transactions. Since1 January 2019, the Polish legislator has decided to introduce into the Polish tax systema new and comprehensive regime sanctioning tax effects related to the virtual currency business in relation to both income taxes, while in mid-2018 a decision was taken to abandon for one year the collection of tax on civil law transactions. Trading in virtual currencies also produces certain effects in relation to the value added tax (tax on goods and services), in relation to whichthe leading role should be attributed to the 2015 judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The intention of this article is to presentan analysis of the rules related to the taxation of cryptocurrencies deepened by anindication of practical problems in their application and tax policy decisions, which in their assumption, were aimed to resolve these problems. Where appropriate, the author will also refer to tax situation before the changes were introduced. ; Opodatkowanie obrotu kryptowalutami do końca 2018 r. budziło wiele wątpliwości, w szczególności w świetle braku szczególnych zasad w podatkach dochodowych oraz podatku od czynności cywilnoprawnych. Od 1 stycznia 2019 r. polski ustawodawca postanowił wprowadzić do polskiego systemu podatkowego kompleksowy reżim sankcjonujący skutki podatkowe związane z obrotem walutą wirtualną w obydwu podatkach dochodowych, podczas gdy w połowie 2018 r. postanowił zaniechać na okres jednego roku poboru podatku od czynności cywilnoprawnych. Handel walutą wirtualną wywołuje określone skutki również w podatku od towarów i usług, gdzie wiodącą rolą w ich zdefiniowaniu przypisać należy wyrokowi Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej z 2015 r. Zamiarem niniejszego artykułu jest przybliżenie zasad związanych z opodatkowaniem obrotu kryptowalut ze wskazaniem na ich praktyczne problemy i decyzje polityki podatkowej, które w swoim założeniu miały te problemy usunąć. Tam gdzie jest to właściwe autor będzie odnosił się również do sytuacji prawno-podatkowej sprzed wprowadzenia zmian.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a political and legal analysis of the choice options, decisionmaking processes and negotiation strategies of political actors in dispute over the date of the presidential elections in Poland the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Possible decisions are outlined in the form of a modified decision tree known from the decision theory, taking into account not only the options falling within the scope of individual actors' performance, but also scenarios triggered by specific choices and interdependent on the behavior of other actors (their cooperation or lack of cooperation). The descriptive-explanatory and predictive analysis is based on the assumptions of the public choice theory. The article also explains the legal determinants and boundaries of actions available to political actors ; Teisės fakultetas ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

The Complaint-Filing Right in Administrative Court Proceedings as an Aspect Influencing Decision-Making Eficiency in Public AdministrationAn overall assessment of the current system of the authorisation to file a complaint have led to the conclusion that a sheer number of regulations and the level of their complexity prevent it from being transparent enough to support eficiency in public administration. An optimal level of knowledge as regards who, when and on what conditions can file a complaint will be helpful in the decision-making applied by public administration oficials. Therefore, this article aims to provide the readers with a summary of doctrine views and court judgements as well as analysis of the complaint-filing right. It is hoped that this contribution considerably helps improve decision-making eficiency in public administration.The first chapter of the article focuses on one of most popular authorisations to file a complaint, often described as a universal complaint-filing right. The second chapter includes analysis of the authorisation to file a complaint in someone else's case. Subsections describe complaint-filing authorisation for prosecutors, the Ombudsman, the Children's Ombudsman and social organisations. The third chapter provides a description of the authorisation to file a complaint introduced by local-government acts. Its individual subsections examine the authorisation to file a complaint under local-government resolutions and under the act on the supervision of local-government units. The last chapter reviews the complaint-filing right in other lex specialis acts in relation to the Administrative Court Proceedings Act.

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of legislative solutions and practical application of the direct democracy in Hungary and Albania after 1989. The legal changes that occurred during this period have guaranteed the citizens of both countries the tools to direct exercising the political power. Unfortunately, these tools have been almost immediately limited. The long-term political conflict, which effectively discouraged the public opinion to such activity, was responsible for this limitation in the case of Albania. Hungarians, on the other hand, have lost these rights as a result of unfortunate decisions of rulers, who were repeatedly changing the electoral law. The object of our attention will be especially institutional and legal differences determining the development (or regression) of the direct democracy in those countries. Main thesis of the article is the opinion that Hungary and Albania, regardless of their common experiences, represent two different models for adaptation of direct democracy solutions. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o miejsce instytucji referendum ogólnokrajowego w systemach politycznych Węgier i Albanii po transformacji ustrojowej 1989, zarówno w wymiarze legislacyjnym, jak i praktycznym. Zmiany prawne, które nastąpiły w tym okresie, zagwarantowały obywatelom obydwu państw narzędzia do bezpośredniego sprawowania władzy. Jednakże niemal natychmiast zmiany te były ograniczane. W przypadku Albanii zadecydował o tym wieloletni zamęt polityczny, który skutecznie zniechęcił społeczeństwo do aktywności referendalnej. Węgrom uprawnienia te stopniowo odbierały natomiast decyzje poszczególnych rządów zmieniających wielokrotnie ordynację wyborczą. Przedmiotem naszego zainteresowania będą różnice instytucjonalne i prawne determinujące stan demokracji bezpośredniej w obydwu państwach. Główna teza artykułu opiera się na opinii, że Węgry i Albania, niezależnie od ich wspólnych doświadczeń, reprezentują dwa różne modele adaptacji rozwiązań demokracji bezpośredniej.

The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.