Multilateral konflikthåndtering i Vest-Afrika. Er ECOWAS et egnet forum?
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 163-188
ISSN: 0020-577X
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In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 163-188
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 229-256
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 183-206
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 4, S. 553-564
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 579-602
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13, S. 53-71
ISSN: 2387-4562
Since the start of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, the Nordic states have sought to advance their defence cooperation "beyond peacetime" to also encompass operational military cooperation in crisis and armed conflict. Relations between the two Nordic non-NATO members, Sweden and Finland, have formed a vanguard, encompassing bilateral operational planning beyond peacetime. While no formal security policy guarantees have been exchanged, Sweden and Finland have created strong expectations that they will lend each other support in a crisis. In short, while no formal alliance treaty exists, the two states have nevertheless become closely aligned. In 2020, Sweden and Finland joined NATO member Norway in signalling their intention to strengthen their trilateral defence relationship. The following year, NATO members Norway and Denmark signed a similar agreement with Sweden. The goal of these documents was to coordinate their national operational plans – their "war plans" – and perhaps develop some common operational plans. In this article, it is argued that these agreements fall short of a formal military alliance, but that they represent an alignment policy between the Nordic states.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 2, S. 149-174
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 1, S. 29-58
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 303-326
ISSN: 0020-577X
What does it mean for a military operation when a gender perspective based on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 should be integrated in the daily work? The question is interesting if one considers that such 'gender integration' has to take place on every level of this male-dominated institution. This article study of the gender-integration process in the 2008 Nordic Battlegroup and connects the analysis of the process with ongoing national and international developments. In interpreting the content of the resolution in practical assignments and capacity building it is found that ambiguous interpretations at the highest levels have resulted in difficult decisions and conflict at the lower levels. Moreover, gender integration is caught up in discussions related to professional identity. To some extent the approach to connect resolution 1325 with 'operational effectiveness' is resulting in decreasing resistance. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 3, S. 359-386
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 559-578
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article analyzes the wars & conflicts of the Horn of Africa from a regional point of view. Although it is argued that the many conflicts largely arise for reasons internal to the individual state -- in particular, due to tensions between groups & the state stemming from the way the state formation is constituted -- it is also pointed out that the dynamics of these conflicts can only be understood in a regional perspective. As armed opposition groups use neighboring countries as bases for their attacks on the regime, & as networks of alliances are built around the principle of "my enemy's enemy is my friend," the different conflicts are interwoven into a regional conflict pattern. As the states of the region are chronically conflict-ridden & failing to maintain monopoly of violence throughout their territories, they are challenged by liberation movements that assume many of the characteristics ordinarily understood as prerogatives of the state. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 4, S. 524-536
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 173-203
ISSN: 0020-577X
During the Cold War, the Norwegian Armed Forces were organized to fight an invasion against Norwegian territory. The end of this era should at least in principle imply changes not only in military practices on the ground but also in the training and education of officers. This article analyses the inertia in the internationalization of higher military education programs in Norway, where the strengthening of a subject like International Relations began only at the end of the 1990s. One explanation for the discrepancy between the military curriculum, on the one hand, and the new military environment facing the officers, on the other, is that existing practices were taken for granted and reproduced in social structures. The debate about military education also reflects a traditional conflict between those who have seen an academization of military education as an intervention into the monopoly of knowledge of the officer profession, and those who embraced such a development. Adapted from the source document.