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Islamic Law and the Law of Armed Conflict: The Conflict in Pakistan demonstrates how international law can be applied in Muslim states in a way that is compatible with Islamic law. Within this broader framework of compatible application, Niaz A. Shah argues that the Islamic law of qital (i.e. armed conflict) and the law of armed conflict are compatible with each other and that the former can complement the latter at national and regional levels. Shah identifies grey areas in the Islamic law of qital and argues for their expansion and clarification. Shah also calls for new rules to be developed

A growing wave of scholarship suggests that ideology has demonstrable effects on various forms of armed conflict. But ideology remains a relative theoretical newcomer in conflict research, and scholars lack developed microfoundations for analyzing ideologies and their effects. Typically, existing research has primarily presented ideology as either an instrumental tool for conflict actors or a source of sincere political and normative commitments. But neither approach captures the diverse ways in which contemporary social science theorizes the causal connection between ideas and action, and both struggle to reconcile the apparently strong effects of ideology on conflict at the collective level with the relative rarity of 'true believers' at the individual level. This article addresses such problems by providing key microfoundations for conceptualizing ideologies, analyzing ideological change, and explaining ideologies' influence over conflict behavior. I emphasize that ideology overlaps with other drivers of conflict such as strategic interests and group identities, show how ideologies can affect conflict behavior through four distinct mechanisms – commitment, adoption, conformity, and instrumentalization – and clarify the role of both conflict pressures and pre-existing ideological conditions in ideological change. These microfoundational claims integrate existing empirical findings and offer a foundation for building deeper explanations and middle-range theories of ideology's role in armed conflict.

A growing wave of scholarship suggests that ideology has demonstrable effects on various forms of armed conflict. But ideology remains a relative theoretical newcomer in conflict research, and scholars lack developed microfoundations for analyzing ideologies and their effects. Typically, existing research has primarily presented ideology as either an instrumental tool for conflict actors or a source of sincere political and normative commitments. But neither approach captures the diverse ways in which contemporary social science theorizes the causal connection between ideas and action, and both struggle to reconcile the apparently strong effects of ideology on conflict at the collective level with the relative rarity of 'true believers' at the individual level. This article addresses such problems by providing key microfoundations for conceptualizing ideologies, analyzing ideological change, and explaining ideologies' influence over conflict behavior. I emphasize that ideology overlaps with other drivers of conflict such as strategic interests and group identities, show how ideologies can affect conflict behavior through four distinct mechanisms – commitment, adoption, conformity, and instrumentalization – and clarify the role of both conflict pressures and pre-existing ideological conditions in ideological change. These microfoundational claims integrate existing empirical findings and offer a foundation for building deeper explanations and middle-range theories of ideology's role in armed conflict.

In 2013, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) recorded 33 armed conflicts with a minimum of 25 battle-related deaths, up by one from 2012. Seven of these were recorded as wars, that is conflicts leading to 1,000 or more battle-related deaths in a calendar year. There have been 144 armed conflicts (47 wars) since 1989 and 254 armed conflicts (114 wars) since 1946. For the past ten years the amount of active armed conflict has fluctuated between 31 and 37. Six peace agreements were signed during the year 2013, two more than in the previous year. For the first time, this article also provides data on trends in battle-related deaths since 1989. These data do not show a clear time-trend. However, there is a particular difficulty in mapping the conflict in Syria, for which no credible battle-related deaths in 2013 can yet be reported. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

In her role as the Under-Secretary-General, Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, Radhika Coomaraswamy discusses the ongoing challenges of keeping children from being victims or perpetrators of violence. Reflecting on the previous successes and current focus of her efforts, Coomaraswamy discusses the way ahead in making child protection more robust and respected. She ultimately emphasizes the role of the international community in ensuring that impunity is not tolerated for those who use or target children in conflict. Adapted from the source document.

A collection of articles stemming from a conference on "Reconciliation and the Role of Religion in Situations of Armed Conflict," held 16-21 Nov 1989 in Sigtuna, Sweden. In Why Is Religion Still a Factor in Armed Conflict?, Roger Williamson (Life & Peace Instit, Uppsala, Sweden) provides an overview of reasons why religion continues to play a socially divisive role in many areas around the world. The failure of secular economic theories is discussed, relative to their view that religion would play a decreasing role in conflict in comparison to economic problems. The resurgence of religion is explored, especially relative to Christianity in the Third World & Islam as a political force, as well as to the role of the Christian Right in US foreign policy. An overview of the dynamics of various religious conflicts throughout the world is presented, as is a typology for classifying religious armed conflicts. The ineffectiveness of religion in stopping war, & the emergence of theological resistance to injustice in the Third World are discussed. In Religion in the Sudan: Exacerbating Conflict or Facilitating Reconciliation?, Hizkias Assefa (La Roche Coll, Pittsburgh, Pa) addresses the role of religion in armed conflicts in the Sudan, arguing that it has been primarily destructive, though there have been some instances of more positive actions. In Religion and Conflict in the Sudan: A Perspective, Raphael Koba Badal (U of Sudan) provides a historical overview of the Christian/Islam civil conflicts there. In The Role of Religion in Situations of Armed Conflict: The Case of Northern Ireland, Alan D. Falconer (Irish School of Ecumenics, Dublin) explores the role of religion & of memories in exacerbating the Catholic/Protestant conflict in Northern Ireland. Steps that churches must take to help end the conflict through mutual understanding are suggested. In Living with Religion in the Midst of Violence, A. T. Ariyaratne (Lanka Jathika Sarvodaya Sangamaya, Inc, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka) provides an overview of the Sarvodaya Shramadana movement in Sri Lanka, which mobilizes village communities to help one another to improve the quality of their lives. The history of the group, which began in the mid-1950s, & its approach to peacemaking are discussed. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 16 References. D. Dennis

In 2011, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) recorded 37 armed conflicts with a minimum of 25 battle-related deaths. This significant increase from the 31 conflicts recorded in 2010 was primarily driven by an increase in conflicts on the African continent, and is only in part due to events tied to the Arab Spring which mostly led to other forms of violence than conventional armed conflict. The number of active conflicts still remains at a relatively low level compared to the peak years in the early 1990s, when more than 50 conflicts were active. The number of wars -- conflicts leading to 1,000 or more battle-related deaths -- increased to six; however, it is a considerably lower number than during the peak years of the early 1990s. For the second consecutive year, Afghanistan claimed the highest number of fatalities. Five armed conflicts listed for 2010 were not active in 2011, but during the year three new conflicts erupted -- Libya, South Sudan and Sudan (Abyei) -- and six conflicts already registered were restarted. Only one peace agreement was concluded during the year. Thus, the trend with low numbers of peace accords which started in 2009 continues. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

In 2006, 32 armed conflicts were active, a figure that has remained constant for three years. The decline in armed conflict observed through most of the post-Cold War period has ceased, at least temporarily. Many of the conflicts active in 2006 have a long history, which may have made them more entrenched and thus more difficult to solve. In fact, in contrast to the situation in the early 1990s, no new conflicts have erupted in the last two years. No interstate conflicts were active in 2006, but five of the intrastate conflicts were internationalized. While four of the conflicts recorded for 2005 were no longer active in 2006, four conflicts restarted, two with actions taken by new rebel groups and two by previously recorded actors.