Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Demography is often perceived as a statistical science, locked in an ivory tower of rather indigestible figures. In reality, it can reveal mutations that can have a number of political, economic and social consequences, and also affect mentalities. This analysis provides two examples. ; La démographie est souvent perçue comme une science statistique, enfer-mée dans une tour d'ivoire de chiffres plutôt indigestes. En réalité, elle peut ré-véler des mutations susceptibles d'engendrer nombre de conséquences poli-tiques, économiques, sociales, et influe également sur les mentalités. Cette ana-lyse livre deux exemples.

International audience ; Demography is often perceived as a statistical science, locked in an ivory tower of rather indigestible figures. In reality, it can reveal mutations that can have a number of political, economic and social consequences, and also affect mentalities. This analysis provides two examples. ; La démographie est souvent perçue comme une science statistique, enfer-mée dans une tour d'ivoire de chiffres plutôt indigestes. En réalité, elle peut ré-véler des mutations susceptibles d'engendrer nombre de conséquences poli-tiques, économiques, sociales, et influe également sur les mentalités. Cette ana-lyse livre deux exemples.

Les élections sont une composante importante de la démocratie politique et elles sont analysées avec beaucoup de soin. Pourtant, les élections et les processus électoraux sont critiqués et certains se demandent si cette démocratie reflète bien la diversité et la quantité d'opinions en politique publique. Dans le treizième chapitre, Vincent Jacquet, Benjamin Biard, Didier Caluwaerts et Min Reuchamps ont analysé les opinions des électeurs à ce sujet. Ils analysent les préférences pour plusieurs alternatives, comme la démocratie délibérative ou la technocratie. Les personnes les plus éduquées, et qui ont le plus de confiance dans la politique, sont plus à même de défendre la démocratie représentative. Les groupes sociaux les moins avantagés, qui sont sceptiques par rapport à la capacité du système à répondre aux besoins, sont ceux qui revendiquent du changement sans en préciser la direction, soit vers une démocratie délibérative soit vers une démocratie technocratique. Il n'y a donc pas de préférence, mais plutôt un rejet de ce qui existe.

Over a period of three decades, this article examines the nature, the change & the consequences of anti-party attitudes amongst Spanish, Portuguese, Italian & Greek citizens. Its authors treat the question of political disengagement from a perspective that is intended to be more measured & subtle than those used by many recent publications on this theme in political science. Using statistics, they identify two distinct types of anti-party sentiment: reactive antipartyism which is a temporary phenomenon & a cultural antipartyism that is more long term. On the basis of this typology, & through opposing the idea that there is an all-encompassing crisis of political parties in Western democracies, the authors demonstrate the relativity of the linkages between antiparty sentiment, the rise of anti-system reactions, opposition to democracy & the modalities of alternative forms of political involvement. Adapted from the source document.

An empirical test of the classical hypothesis formulated by Philip Converse about the relation between degree of information & opinion mobility (see SA 11:7/63A7513). Three novel methods are used in the test: (1) focusing on the electoral stake, rather than on voting intention; (2) direct measuring of individual political information, which also serves as the key variable for the analysis; & (3) utilizing a quasiexperimental design. The results of a Canadian student survey (N = 343 respondents [Rs]) regarding the Canada-US free trade agreement demonstrate the expected nonlinear relation between Rs' levels of political information & their inclination to modify their opinions. The findings generally support the Converse hypothesis. I. Shagrir

Although under the Fifth Republic the Senate has changea very little since 1958, its fortunes have fluctuated considerably, usually because of changes in the political context. Designed to give support to the Executive whenever necessary, it soon became a bulwark of opposition to the Government. For seven years it was kept in the background, until the critical period in 1969 when what it considered inherent in its status as a parliamentary assembly was called in question. Once the storm had passed, however, it regained its position and resumed its normal activities. In 1974, the majority in the Senate coincided at last with the presidential majority, so that it is now again the buttress of the Executive and deserving of its attention. Although it had undergone no

Technological and organizational development and changes in attitudes at work

This paper's purpose which is starting with a brief presentation of the evolutions in the technological and organizational fields, is to underline their effects on work, knowledge, know-how, the way someone behave.
These considerations based on an emperic stydt about the technicians having a managerial work of an important car's manufacture aim to review the problematics of attitudes concerning work.

During the communist regime in Bulgaria, the process of legal socialization and moral education was neglected or subject to the principles of the totalitarian System. The basic reason for respecting the law in that period was fear of punishment. The big political changes which took place in Bulgaria during the last two years influenced the attitudes of adolescents toward the general principles of Law. The paper presents the results of a survey carried out just before the first free national elections in Bulgaria (June 1990). 250 adolescents (14-24 ans) were interviewed about the principles of the new legal System and about the activity of the new elected Parliament. The results show that fast political changes do not result in fast changes in the legal consciousness. If young people have very negative attitudes toward "socialist" law and reject the former law System they still have no clear idea about how the new law System could be changea in order to protect basic hum an rights.

As in the end of the XIXth century -- two cleavages still go through the Basque society over the left/right and the independence/centralism dimensions, which respective sociological assets remains territorially differentiated. Even though a double majority prevails, in the negative and consensual rejection of centralism -- and in the positive support towards autonomy, there is no consensus on the more appropriate type of government for the autonomous community -- but rather; there is a persistence of three minorities which have to coexist together. The nature of this social pluralism has nevertheless evolved since the democratic transition towards the reinforcement of the non-nationalist sentiment and even the vote for state-wide parties, putting under relative threat the traditional hegemony of the PNV The party's ideological ambiguity towards the prospect of independence has historically granted him a function of political integration overhanging society, while reconciling radical nationalism with liberal autonomist claims. Adapted from the source document.

Judiciary practices, property rights and class attitudes. - The 18th century Catalonian example This article dwells on the origins of the modern concept of property. This analysis of 18th century judicial practices in matters of property rights in two neighboring rural areas in Catalonia (Em- pordà and Roussillon) highlights the abuses committed by a minority of wealthy owners against the rest of the population. This study refers to research by English academics who relativize the economic importance of enclosures and emphasize the social problems inherent in any change affecting customary uses of the land.