Suchergebnisse
Filter
Norweskie partie polityczne wobec problemu zmian klimatu i polityki klimatycznej
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 141-158
ISSN: 2719-7131
Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.
Attitudes of the Farmers in the Sandomierz Region Towards Selected Aspects of Political Changes in Poland ; Postawy rolników Sandomierszczyzny wobec wybranych aspektów zmian ustrojowych w Polsce
The gathered empirical material (110 respondents) allowed the author to analyze the understanding of the results of the transformation of the political system in Poland, which occurred 30 years ago, among the farmers in the Sandomierz area. The aim of the analyses presented in the article is to describe generalised interpretations of the facts connected with the former political system and within their context, the assessments of the results of the systemic and economic transformations in the social and individual dimension. In general, the farmers feel they are the beneficiaries of the changes as a professional group. The diachronic assessment of the individual financial situation and the conditions of functioning of agriculture and economy in the country is very positive. The minority of the respondents has a sense of satisfaction due to the fact of Poland joining the UE. According to the farmers, at the beginning of the transformation period, the most important part of their action strategieswas played by individual and non-institutional resources. In their opinion, currently, there is still no equality of opportunities. Almost half of the respondents appreciate the introduction of the democratic system. The farmers are dissatisfied the most with the transfers of ownership; they appreciate the sphere of individual freedoms. The performed valorisation of multiple phenomena happening in the past three decades proves that there are varied expectations and as a result there are varied mindsets among respondents towards the transformation. The attitudes of satisfaction with the changes on the individual and macro-structural levels are dominant. ; Zebrany materiał empiryczny (110 respondentów) pozwolił na analizę rozumienia przez rolników Sandomierszczyzny skutków transformacji systemowej po upływie 30 lat od jej zaistnienia. Celem analiz zamieszczonych w artykule jest przedstawienie uogólnionych interpretacji faktów związanych z minionym ustrojem i w ich kontekście ocen rezultatów przemian ustrojowych i gospodarczych w wymiarze społecznym i jednostkowym. Rolnicy czują się w większości beneficjentami zmian jako grupa zawodowa. Bardzo pozytywna jest diachroniczna ocena indywidualnej sytuacji finansowej i warunków funkcjonowania rolnictwa oraz gospodarki kraju. Mniejszość badanych ma poczucie zadowolenia z przystąpienia Polski do UE. Według rolników u progu transformacji w strategii działania liczyły się zasoby indywidualne oraz zasoby pozainstytucjonalne. Twierdzą oni, że obecnie nadal brak jest równości szans. Niemal połowa badanych docenia wprowadzenie systemu demokratycznego. Rolnicy są najbardziej niezadowoleni z przekształceń własnościowych w państwie, doceniają zaś sferę wolności indywidualnych. Dokonana waloryzacja wielorakich zjawisk toczących się w minionych trzech dekadach świadczy o zróżnicowanych oczekiwaniach i co za tym idzie zróżnicowanych postawach respondentów wobec transformacji. Dominują postawy zadowolenia ze zmian w wymiarze indywidualnym i makrostrukturalnym.
BASE
The Norwegian political parties' attitudes towards the problem of climate change and climate policy ; Norweskie partie polityczne wobec problemu zmian klimatu i polityki klimatycznej
Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently becomeone of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gasseems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country,such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), theSocialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) andthe Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the nationalclimate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the ProgressParty (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. Thisarticle aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climateprotection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in thepast decade. ; Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemypolityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Głównepodmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F),Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej politykiklimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnymwyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatyczneji ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznejimplementacji w minionej dekadzie.
BASE
World Affairs Online
Nastroje prawicowo-ekstremistyczne społeczeństwa niemieckiego ; Right-wing extremist attitudes in German society
Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.
BASE
Nastroje prawicowo-ekstremistyczne społeczeństwa niemieckiego ; Right-wing extremist attitudes in German society
Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.
BASE
Legal Symbolism and Constitutional Policy in Contemporary Reality of Changes
In: Studia Politologiczne, Heft 61/2021, S. 152-185
The article tries to bring to the light the role of symbolism in the organized human life, in general, and the contemporary societies with the accelerating changes almost in all social structures, in particular. The rational of symbolism in changing socio-political and legal environment creates complexity of the issue, which has been studied in the article, taking into account the methodology of complex system theory. The interconnectivity and interdependency of law, morality and politics create the picture of synergy of different social norms with each other in changing environment. Their positive synergy is able to create a perception of the 'ethical state' – the focal point of equilibrium expressed in the attractor of future admired development. In the legal perspective, the symbol of that attractor appears to be the constitution as the society's and the nation's symbol of coexistence based on the values of mutual past, necessary present and admired future. It is substantiated that the Constitution is the phenomenon, representing a concrete constitutional idea and constitutional identity, and should be the one to be considered as such in a lot of people's minds if we intend to have a proper constitutional system and values. Hence, the Constitution is not just a document with a highest legal force, but also a symbol of a concrete constitutional system, and from this viewpoint the Basic Law has a symbolic significance. The authors substantiate that the mentioned significance of the Constitution makes it clear that constitutional policy in any state should be established and implemented in a manner, obviously demonstrating an attitude towards the Constitution, in the frames of which it is considered as a symbol of a concrete constitutional system. The most important circumstance in this context is to never transform the Constitution (directly or indirectly) from a symbol to an instrument in the hands of both the people and the state power and the whole constitutional policy of the state should be based on the discussed essential idea. Moreover, according to the authors the Constitution should not be subject to amendment parallel to every change of political situation of the state or formation of a new political majority merely conditioned by the mentioned changes. The Constitution has a fundamental role from the aspect of regulating social relations, has symbolic significance and can't be used just as a tool for solving ongoing political problems.
Changes in Japan's Security Policy During the Rule of Shinzō Abe – Internal Aspect
In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 7, Heft 1
ISSN: 2450-5005
Rated both positively and negatively, Shinzō Abe has achieved a lot as prime minister. He contributed to a new perception of Japan in the international arena. During the eight years of his rule in power, his administration carried out reforms aimed at better coordination of security policy, strengthened the position of the prime minister in this field, and increased the involvement of the SDF in ensuring security. They resulted primarily from changes taking place in its security environment: the development of North Korea's missile and nuclear program, the assertive attitude of the People's Republic of China, and an increase in arms spending and the intensification of Chinese military activity in the region (around the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands and in the South China Sea). The article aims to analyze the changes in the security policy introduced during the rule of Shinzō Abe in the internal aspect.
Circumstances and attitude of NATO towards Russia's military policy in Ukraine ; Okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie
The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance's response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO's response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO's eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance. ; Przedmiotem analizy są okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie. W artykule omówiono zagadnienia takie jak relacje między NATO i Rosją po zimnej wojnie, relacje między NATO i Ukrainą po zimnej wojnie oraz reakcja Sojuszu na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie. Artykuł ma dać odpowiedź na pytanie czy reakcja NATO była odpowiednia i wystarczająco zdecydowana, żeby zabezpieczyć przed Rosją państwa wschodniej flanki NATO, skutecznie zniechęcić ją do prowokacji wobec członków Sojuszu oraz zmusić do zmiany polityki wobec Ukrainy? Działania podjęte przez NATO w odpowiedzi na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie koncentrują się na wzmocnieniu bezpieczeństwa i potwierdzeniu gotowości do kolektywnej obrony członków Sojuszu. Pomoc Ukrainie ma charakter wtórny i ograniczony, a jej skala jest niewystarczająca, aby zmusić Rosję do zmiany polityki wobec tego państwa. Wydarzenia na Ukrainie doprowadziły do kryzysu w relacjach między Rosją i NATO, jak również zmniejszyły szansę Ukrainy na przyjęcie do Sojuszu.
BASE
Okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie ; Circumstances and attitude of NATO towards Russia's military policy in Ukraine
Przedmiotem analizy są okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie. W artykule omówiono zagadnienia takie jak relacje między NATO i Rosją po zimnej wojnie, relacje między NATO i Ukrainą po zimnej wojnie oraz reakcja Sojuszu na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie. Artykuł ma dać odpowiedź na pytanie czy reakcja NATO była odpowiednia i wystarczająco zdecydowana, żeby zabezpieczyć przed Rosją państwa wschodniej flanki NATO, skutecznie zniechęcić ją do prowokacji wobec członków Sojuszu oraz zmusić do zmiany polityki wobec Ukrainy? Działania podjęte przez NATO w odpowiedzi na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie koncentrują się na wzmocnieniu bezpieczeństwa i potwierdzeniu gotowości do kolektywnej obrony członków Sojuszu. Pomoc Ukrainie ma charakter wtórny i ograniczony, a jej skala jest niewystarczająca, aby zmusić Rosję do zmiany polityki wobec tego państwa. Wydarzenia na Ukrainie doprowadziły do kryzysu w relacjach między Rosją i NATO, jak również zmniejszyły szansę Ukrainy na przyjęcie do Sojuszu. ; The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance's response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO's response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO's eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance.
BASE
Pro-attendance campaigns and the attitudes of Poles in the context of elections to the European Parliament ; Kampanie profrekwencyjne a postawy Polaków w kontekście wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego
The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment). ; The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment).
BASE
Kampanie profrekwencyjne a postawy Polaków w kontekście wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego ; Pro-attendance campaigns and the attitudes of Poles in the context of elections to the European Parliament
The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment).
BASE
Remarks on Change Management in Economic Universities ; Uwagi o zarządzaniu zmianą w uczelniach ekonomicznych
The article describes the mechanisms stimulating the rapid pace of developments in the reform of higher education in economics. The starting point for the analysis is the circumstances of the reforms of 1989: the pressure for reforms, the unpreparedness of the reformers and the reasons for it, breakdown of the hierarchy of authorities and maladjustment to the realities of market management. The author shows the reasons why these factors did not have the same influence on the transformation processes. Then he describes the factors that determined the success of the first phase of the changes and analyses the conflict of interests in the present situation. The analysis, based on mechanisms similar to cognitive dissonance, indicates the hardening of attitudes conducive to stagnation. This syndrome was called "changeophobia" and was contrasted to conscious, goal-oriented actions towards the vision of a readable system of institutional goals and credible mechanisms for translating them to personal career paths. ; W artykule wskazano mechanizmy, które przesądziły o dynamice wydarzeń w reformującym się sektorze wyższego szkolnictwa ekonomicznego. Punktem wyjścia do rozważań jest wskazanie okoliczności reform 1989 roku: nacisku na zmiany, braku przygotowania reformatorów, załamania się hierarchii autorytetów oraz niedostosowania do realiów zarządzania rynkowego. Wskazano powody, dla których wpływ tych czynników na procesy transformacyjne nie był równomierny. Następnie scharakteryzowano czynniki, które zdeterminowały sukces pierwszej fazy zmian oraz podjęto próbę analizy konfliktu interesów w obecnej sytuacji. Analiza - wykorzystująca mechanizmy analogiczne do dysonansu poznawczego - wskazuje na powstawanie postaw sprzyjających stagnacji. Syndrom ten określono jako zmianoholizm, a przeciwstawiono mu działania celowe i świadome, odnoszące się wizji czytelnego układu celów instytucjonalnych oraz wiarygodne mechanizmy przełożenia ich na ścieżki karier osobistych.
BASE
Attitudes of Central European political elites towards integration with the EU before accession ; Postawy elit politycznych Europy Środkowej wobec integracji z UE w okresie przedakcesyjnym
This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989–2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: "pro-European", "anti-European" and "Eurosceptic" – based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration. ; This analysis reviews pro-European and anti-European attitudes in the political life of Visegrad Group states in 1989–2004. It was not easy to identify these attitudes, as the profile of Central European political parties often depended on the personalities of their most prominent persons and their political platforms, especially during the first period of the post-communist era, and these did not keep pace with the changes that occurred around them. In the first half of the decade, integration with the EC/EU was considered an issue related to foreign policy. This was conducive to maintaining a superficial consensus on the matter. As negotiations went into more detail and their finalisation came closer, the political scene became more strongly diversified into three main orientations: "pro-European", "anti-European" and "Eurosceptic" – based on disputes concerning internal reforms and the pace of these reforms, membership conditions, relations with other European countries or the target integration model. Both pro-European and anti-European discourses were based to a certain extent on emotional arguments, and this did not lead to deeper debates on issues related to integration.
BASE