Abstract This study underscores the significance of home-country events in shaping connections between diaspora and their country of origin. Focusing on immigrants from Turkey who migrated to the Netherlands in 2012/2013, our panel-study sheds light on post-migration developments concerning interest in Turkish politics and sense of identification with Turkey. Leveraging the 2016 failed military coup as a natural experiment, we apply also rally effect theory. Our findings reveal that political interest increased in the aftermath of the coup attempt and stronger so among immigrants who supported the AK-party. Conversely, identification with Turkey declined, while remaining stable among migrants identifying as Turkish majority members. This research demonstrates the importance of examining responses to home-country events, elucidating on variations observed across subgroups.
Abstract The Middle East is facing many challenges because of climate change: extreme heat, recurring droughts, water salinization, and more. Yet little is known about how people in the region perceive the threat of climate change or about the factors associated with perceiving it as more or less of a threat. This study utilizes the Arab Barometer surveys and examines how religion influences climate change perceptions among 13,700 people across twelve countries. Contrary to arguments in the literature, Muslims tend to be less concerned about climate change compared to Christians. Yet all Middle Easterners with a strong sense of religiosity are more concerned about climate change relative to their counterparts. Political attitudes also matter. Religious Muslims who endorse Islamist government are less concerned than secular Muslims, suggesting a "culture war" on the issue. These findings show that religion exerts a nuanced and unexpected influence on how people evaluate the climate change crisis.
Abstract In contexts of institutional crisis, conflicts arise in which different pressure groups try to maximize their influence, seeking to adjust a political reality in line with their own interest. This article analyzes the changes in the attitudes of economic elites regarding the process of drafting of a new Constitution in Chile. Based on the literature on the political culture of entrepreneurs, the research hypothesis posed in this study suggests the existence of a widespread conservative attitude within this social group regarding a change in institutional rules. This mainly relates to the perception that a new Constitution in Chile could threaten its predominant place in the distribution of economic and political power. The results obtained after analyzing in-depth interviews with presidents or vice presidents of the main business organizations in the country show changing positions throughout the different stages of the constituent process. Even though some attitudinal changes towards an adaptation become visible, what ultimately prevails is an unmitigated rejection of the constituent process. These findings clearly suggest a return to the initial stances of most entrepreneurs, something that also happened in the elite examined as well as in the rest of Chilean society. Thus, one can speak about a sort of "boomerang effect": the attitudes of rejection have once again dominated the space of discursive expression where the pressure exerted by public opinion seemed to pave the way for a certain reformism or a transforming reaction. This evidence confirms a disconnection found in the literature which reveals the dynamic nature of short-term attitudes linked to each specific situation, albeit with more stable values and positions specific to the political culture which exist on a more persistent basis.
Abstract Dramatic events can evoke feelings of compassion, fear, or threat, and can affect public opinion regarding controversial issues. Such an event was the drowning of 3-year-old Alan Kurdi, a Syrian boy whose body washed up on a Turkish shore, and was photographed, producing an iconic image that was seen worldwide. The image evoked empathy and compassion that neuroscience and psychological research associate with a motivation to help. This article examines the impact of this event on four different aspects of attitudes toward immigration. The timing of the European Social Survey in Portugal allowed us to use this tragic event as a natural experiment. Our results suggest that Kurdi's drowning had a significant effect on only two sentiments, but no such impact was detected on other attitudes. The results show that the event did not change the respondents' opinion regarding the possible negative consequences of immigration on the host country's economy, crime level, or culture, nor did it change their perception of the skills required by immigrants. On the other hand, the empathy induced by the tragic event increased their willingness to have a less restrictive immigration policy and their openness to having close social relationships with immigrants, although these changes were short-lived.
AbstractDespite the growing interest for lobbying in public opinion research, little is known about citizen's attitudes towards interest groups, especially after legislation making lobbying transparent is passed. Using data from a pre-registered survey experiment conducted with a panel of 569 participants from the Republic of Ireland, this study shows that when exposed to information about lobbying conducted by Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and business organisations, citizens do not improve their evaluations of interest groups. Surprisingly, against the general expectations found in the transparency literature, information about lobbying does not trigger positive changes in attitudes. A post hoc analysis of the participants' reactions to the transparency treatment reveals that citizens may have little interest or understanding of political activities such as lobbying. The study, however, also reveals that lobbying transparency does not backfire producing unexpected negative effects. This adds a new perspective to the recent debate on how public opinion responds to interest group behaviour.
AbstractPolitical psychologists often examine the influence of psychological dispositions on political attitudes. Central to this field is the ideological asymmetry hypothesis (IAH), which asserts significant psychological differences between conservatives and liberals. According to the IAH, conservatives tend to exhibit greater resistance to change, a stronger inclination to uphold existing social systems, and heightened sensitivity to threats and uncertainty compared with their liberal counterparts. Our review and reanalysis, however, question the empirical strength of the IAH. We expose major concerns regarding the construct validity of the psychological dispositions and political attitudes traditionally measured. Furthermore, our research reveals that the internal validity of these studies is often compromised by endogeneity and selection biases. External and statistical validity issues are also evident, with many findings relying on small effect sizes derived from nonrepresentative student populations. Collectively, these data offer scant support for the IAH, indicating that simply amassing similar data is unlikely to clarify the validity of the hypothesis. We suggest a more intricate causal model that addresses the intricate dynamics between psychological dispositions and political attitudes. This model considers the bidirectional nature of these relationships and the moderating roles of individual and situational variables. In conclusion, we call for developing more sophisticated theories and rigorous research methodologies to enhance our comprehension of the psychological underpinnings of political ideology.
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I have written about the effort to change the Canadian military's culture here although, to be clear, I am focused and expert (ish) on only one aspect of the culture change effort--changing attitudes and practices of civilian control. Most of the conversation is about making the military more inclusive, diverse, and equitable, and the CDSN has done much in this area via our personnel research theme. We have also discussed this much at the Battle Rhythm Podcast. We know, thanks to Machiavelli, that any reform will face resistance from those who benefited from the old way. And this is the case today, but there is more to it as I will explain. The story right now is about a special issue of the Canadian Military Journal and the storm that has been generated in response. Transforming Military Cultures is one of the nine networks currently funded by the Department of National Defence's Mobilizing Insights on Defence and Security program. The TMC group organized a special issue of this journal to present a critical perspective on the military and what needs to change. Yes, they used all kinds of buzz words that greatly annoy the right wing: critical race theory, decolonization, and anti-racism to name a few. * These kinds of analyses can be hard to read and process because they say: the way things have done has been harmful, and we need to change. This calls out those who have been influential in the military (and their civilian overseers) in the past as complicit--either encouraging or condoning an environment in which those in power could act within impunity and those without power suffered quite significantly. We know about the purge of LGBTQ2S+ from the military and intelligence services deep into the 1990s, we know about the problem of sexual misconduct from multiple reports by multiple retired supreme court justices, we have some understanding of the challenges Indigenous people have faced in and out of the CAF, and so on. So, yeah, it calls out mostly white men because white men have generally had power when this bad stuff was happening. It hurts the feelings of some apparently to be called out for the sins of the past. Suck it up, snowflakes.Anyhow, this special issue got a heap of attention when a far right propaganda outlet blasted it, essentially siccing its readers on the TMC people who have now faced some significant harassment. This is typical far right behavior, stuff that Trump does all the time (including providing Obama's address which led to a potential assassin showing up near Obama's house). Some of the judges and prosecutors involved with Trump's various prosecutions have been swatted--that is when someone files a false report with the cops that indicates there is an emergency that requires the heavily armed special police types to go to a certain address with the caller hoping that the police end up killing the target of their animus.The ruckus this has stirred up has also led opponents of culture change to engage in a writing campaign aimed at CMJ. Again, opponents to culture change largely but not entirely fit into one basket--those who find the ways of the past--of purged gays and lesbians, of women and men facing little recourse when sexually harassed, of senior officers abusing their authority, of historically excluded groups being relegated to inferior positions--to be the traditions they want maintained. There is one additional complication--that the far right outlet's take on all of this was included in a Royal Canadian Navy news summary that was widely distributed. The idea is that those in the navy should be aware of news stories, positive or negative, that are relevant to the navy. While the far right is quite relevant and the military should be kept abreast of what it is up to, I think including such outlets in a news summary is akin to putting the press releases of Al Qaeda or the Islamic State in a news summary. Again, the public affairs folks in the CAF should know what is being said about them, but I would not platform far right outlets in regular email summaries.And to be clear, while I want to avoid any false equivalence, I would not include press released by Greenpeace or Amnesty International or the Communist Party in a news summary either. To be absolutely clear, we live in a time where the violence and the incitement of violence is coming from one side of the spectrum. Far right terrorism has been far more harmful the past 20 years than far left violence. So, we need to keep in mind where the threat is coming from, and we need to be clear that platforming the far right without context is very problematic. I don't think there was ill intent here, but as one of my favorite bluesky follows often says, So, yes, the RCN needs to re-think what it sends around. And I stand with TMC and others who are fighting the good fight of changing the culture of the military so that almost all Canadians would be welcome to join and to serve with pride and success--all except the far right, white supremacists that is. *A reminder that basic logic suggests that if one is anti-anti-racism, one is pro-racism.
Abstract Many citizens feel excluded from political decision-making, which, in their eyes, is dominated by an unresponsive political elite. Citizens with high populist attitudes perceive the world through a populist 'lens' and therefore yearn for more popular control and for 'the people' to be included in the political process. Participatory budgeting should be particularly suited to address populist demands due to the fact that it is focused on giving citizens actual influence on policy-making. However, so far, no study has examined the effect of participation in a democratic innovation on populist attitudes. This paper empirically assesses if and to what extent participation in a participatory budget affects populist attitudes, and whether citizens with high populist attitudes are affected differently than citizens with low populist attitudes. We analyze panel data on participants of four local participatory budgeting events in the Netherlands before and after participation and find that citizens with high populist attitudes decrease these attitudes significantly after participating in a participatory budget, whereas citizens with low populist attitudes are not significantly affected. Moreover, the significant difference in change between these two groups suggests that citizens with high populist attitudes go 'through the looking glass' and become less populist after participating in a participatory budget.
Inclusive education is an emerging trend at the global level. Children with intellectual disabilities (CWIDs), if included in mainstream schools, may have rich experiences with their peers without disabilities in regular schools to become active members of society. In Pakistan, there is a small number of CWIDs in regular schools who are largely unsupported. The focus of the study is to collect the perceptions of parents regarding inclusive processes such as curriculum adaptations, accommodation of individual needs, collaboration and socialization of children with intellectual disabilities in inclusive settings. This study was conducted to unfold the perceived parental attitudes towards the educational placement of their CWIDs in regular schools. The population of the study was parents of the CWIDs. Data were collected from 150 parents of the CWIDs studying in different special schools in Lahore by using a purposive sampling technique. The reliability (Cronbach Alpha) of the questionnaire was 0.80. The results of the study indicate that most of the parents want the educational placement of their CWIDs in regular schools for better learning, socialization and grooming of academic skills. It was concluded that parents considered inclusive education as the best placement for their children with intellectual disabilities. With such parental support, the government should change the policy for the implementation of inclusive education.
Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the perceptions and attitudes of arts and design faculty on teaching sustainability in higher education institutions in the USA.
Design/methodology/approach Arts and design faculty from nine universities in the USA were approached for the study, using both closed and open-ended questions in a survey instrument. Descriptive statistics and content analysis were used to analyze the collected data.
Findings Results related to arts and design faculty's perception of sustainability showed high confidence in teaching sustainability but lower confidence in inspiring students to take action on sustainability issues. Faculty also perceived time, resources, knowledge and support as barriers to the integration of the topic into the curriculum. This study revealed that the faculty's attitude toward sustainability demonstrated their recognition that sustainability should be at the core of their discipline and that they support its integration into courses.
Research limitations/implications This study is limited to arts and design faculty in higher education institutions in the USA. The results may not be generalizable to other fields or locations. In addition, the use of self-reported data may be subject to bias.
Practical implications The findings of this study can inform the development of curriculum and pedagogy in arts and design sustainability education. It can also guide institutions in addressing the challenges and barriers related to incorporating sustainability into their curriculum.
Social implications Prioritizing sustainability education is crucial in addressing global climate change and related issues. Art and design educators' perspectives on teaching sustainability can contribute to constructing a sustainable future for everyone.
Originality/value This study provides insight into the perception and attitude of sustainability among arts and design faculty in higher education in the USA and highlights areas for improvement such as training and resources to better integrate sustainability into the curriculum.
abstract: The circumstances under which a country democratizes can have long-lasting consequences for citizens' political attitudes. To develop this argument, the author links East Germans' satisfaction with the functioning of democracy today to their experiences during German reunification: East Germany democratized under conditions of extreme economic uncertainty, which has had enduring effects on how economic evaluations are linked to democracy satisfaction. An original survey experiment finds that qualitatively similar experiences of current economic insecurity have stronger effects on East than West Germans' democracy satisfaction. Household panel data show that this effect is stronger among those East Germans who experienced more economic hardship during the transition. Surveys of East Germans prior to reunification demonstrate that a similar pattern did not exist before the transition. Finally, cross-national survey data document similar patterns among Eastern Europeans more broadly. These findings complement existing work on the legacies of authoritarian rule by emphasizing the lasting attitudinal effects of authoritarian breakdown.
Abstract Does providing information about the costs and benefits of automation affect the perceived fairness of a firm's decision to automate or support for government policies addressing automation's labor market consequences? To answer these questions, we use data from vignette and conjoint experiments across four advanced economies (Australia, Canada, the UK, and the US). Our results show that despite people's relatively fixed policy preferences, their evaluation of the fairness of automation—and therefore potentially the issue's political salience—is sensitive to information about its trade-offs, especially information about price changes attributable to automated labor. This suggests that the political impact of automation may depend on how it is framed by the media and political actors.
Previous studies examining the link between immigration and populism have found mixed empirical results. By focusing on the populist attitude among native citizens, this article revisits the question of how immigration affects populism. In addition, we investigate this relationship in South America where immigrants are more educated, and skilled and have similar cultural or historical roots to native citizens. By using Latino Barometro data from 2000 to 2018, our empirical analysis of 10 South American countries finds that immigration fuels the populist attitude among citizens in South American countries. We also demonstrate the proportion of working-age immigrants or the level of economic development of immigrants' home countries can change the influence of immigration on populism. These findings suggest that despite different features of immigration in this region than observed in other regions such as Europe the link between immigration and populism still holds.