ABSTRACT Objective: To assess the current level of oral health knowledge and identify information sources among adolescents in Bhubaneswar, India. Material and Methods: A cross-sectional examination was conducted among 1330 adolescents aged 13 to 15 years enrolled in 24 randomly selected government and private schools in Bhubaneswar. A specially designed self-administered questionnaire was used to collect the responses. Chi-square test with a level of significance set at 5% was used for statistical analysis. Results: Parents (55%) followed by media (18%) were the major sources of oral health information among the study population, which was statistically not significant in relation to gender and school type. Many subjects (95.3%) perceived sweets could cause tooth decay; however, this was statistically significant only among school type (p<0.05). Around (45%) knew about fluoride and only 36% properly identified fluoride's action as preventing cavities. This was statistically significant among both gender and school type (p<0.05). Seventy-five percent of students effectively distinguished gum disease symptoms, which was significant only with gender (p<0.05). Around 55% identified that oral habits have an influence on oral health, which showed significance among gender (p<0.05). Conclusion: Children oral health knowledge was not satisfactory, highlighting the need to utilize parents, schoolteachers and media to provide oral health education. It's essential for designing and implementing a person-centered care model in dentistry.
Education is a community need that is expected to create quality human beings, to realize these expectations formally education is held in schools. The purpose of this study was to determine the role of the principal's leadership in improving teacher performance at SDN Rawakidang. The method in this study used qualitative research methods with a descriptive approach, data collection techniques used observation, interviews and documentation techniques. The results of the research of the principal as the head of the school conduct training and education and invite sources from outside related to KBM and according to the 2013 curriculum, always provide direction and motivation to teachers to use active methods, always supervise when the teacher is carrying out the teaching and learning process at school. class, provide guidance to teachers and education staff, the principal asks to be present 20 minutes earlier than the students and wait for students in front of the class. conclusion The role of the principal's leadership in improving teacher performance at SDN Rawakidang is to provide a democratic, disciplined attitude, and control each class during the teaching and learning process, democratic attitudes are sought to eliminate distrust in solving problems in the classroom. as well as at school, and a disciplined attitude is sought to provide a sense of responsibility.
This extract from the Registers of the Court is dated 24 November 1614. It deals with the attitude of the Duc d'Epernon, 1554-1642, toward the government and his sympathy with Condé. He must seek royal reconciliation. ; Electronic reproduction ; 8 p. ; 17 cm.
APPROVED ; The work which follows examines the process by which private actors in the digital market are redefining fundamental rights through their contractual terms and practical operation. The argument is allied to works which consider ?digital constitutionalism,? the idea that private actors in the digital market are increasingly displaying constitutional features through their contractual terms and documents. Unlike a majority of work in the area of digital constitutionalism the work does not argue that private actors setting rights based standards represents a positive development. Rather, the work argues that private actors, through their re-definition of public, normative standards are generating a body of rules and practices which have displaced democratically decided rights standards with negative consequences for individual autonomy and the Rule of Law. The work argues that this process has been enabled by three features of EU law and policy. The first is an approach of functional equivalence to laws governing the digital market. In accordance with this approach the digital market has been treated as equivalent to traditional markets and its participants are viewed as requiring no additional or supplementary protections or regulations. Of particular significance in functionally equivalent attitudes to the digital market is the Union?s deference to freedom of contract as part of an ordoliberal attitude to market regulation. While this attitude is now beginning to erode (to some extent) in the context of data protection it remains the dominant regulatory approach of the European Union in the digital market. The second feature, not unrelated to the first, is the Union?s preference for economic rather than socially orientated standards and protections in it policies as well as its secondary laws. As part of this preference, when fundamental rights cross the Rubicon from vertically enforced constitutional protections to horizontally enforceable legislative ones their content is transmuted in a manner which favours their economic over socially oriented aspects. The third feature, is what is referred to within the work as the Union?s brittle constitutionalism ? that is the Union?s hesitant and incomplete articulation of and commitment to rights enforcement. This feature is the result in part of the Union?s ambiguous and at times hostile attitude to the development of fundamental rights policy. The work examines the impact of these trends and the rise of private policy they have generated on the rights to privacy and property under the Charter of Fundamental Rights.
Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.
Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.
Gresik regency has 27 tourist destinations supported by small and medium industries both in the sector of food and beverage, handicraft, Muslim fashion and its equipment, which has been established since several years ago. It seems that the development of this industry is stagnant although it is actually potential to be developed and can be a trigger for the welfare of the small industrial community of Gresik regency in East Java. The problems that occur in small and medium industry community of Giri regency of Gresik regency based on the survey result is that business actors still do not have financial literacy, marked by not understanding about financial planning, not yet separating recording and financial storage in their family or business. Besides, there is still limited socialization of financial inclusion so that in general they are still unbanked. Based on factor analysis on financial literacy and financial inclusion, there are some attributes that significantly affect financial literacy of small and medium industries, namely financial planning, experience in finance, socialization of financial literacy from related parties, socio-economic status, economic attitude, financial behavior, financial attitude, financial crisis, government policy, financial education, demography, investment, saving, consumption, financial wellbeing, financial concerns, self control, old age, and gender. While the attributes of financial inclusion include credit management, knowledge of credit guidelines, consumer over in-debtedness, saving and deposit functions. The strategies that should be done in the short term based on the attributes found in this study are: 1) to conduct financial literacy and financial inclusion education with attention to the significant attributes, 2) perform mentoring from financial planning to the preparation of financial statements, 3) giving motivation to separate between family finance and business finance 4) the government is expected to grow ...
APPROVED ; Interpretations of the period following the disintegration of the Carolingian empire in Western Europe at the end of the ninth century have long divided historians, between those who believe a violent rupture in political and social structures took place around the year 1000 and those who argue for an essential continuity. This thesis aims to transcend these debates, by approaching medieval society through a case-study in the Loire valley region relying on two fresh methodological insights. Firstly, it will investigate changes in the economic structures which provided society's material base; secondly, it will analyse how those ?lites claimed, performed and maintained their status. Based on these two approaches, the thesis explores changing patterns of ?lite behaviour in order to better understand the social and economic changes which took place from the late ninth century onwards. The thesis examines the effects of shifting landholding patterns, the emergence of seigneurial customs, changing attitudes to church patronage and lay violence, and the methods by which ?lites were identified in documents, to establish their implications for the ways by which ?lites could claim and maintain their status. It concludes that there was a significant and fundamental transformation of social and economic structures, beginning in the middle of the tenth century, in the middle Loire valley, although the pace of change is slower than would be appropriate for a 'Feudal Revolution'. Nevertheless, the breakdown of the Carolingian political order unleashed a wave of competition amongst local and regional ?lites, which saw them innovate and adapt the heritage of Carolingian culture to create a new, 'feudal' social order. This was fuelled by the changes in economic structures which provided ?lites with more wealth to promote their own status; the competition for status in turn fuelled ?lites' need for more wealth and their incentive for economic expansion.
Discrimination against minority groups still occurs in Indonesia, both in the form of verbal and non-verbal violence. The last discrimination that occurred was the closure of the Ahmadiyah Mosque in Garut, West Java in 2021. According to Foucault, discrimination occurs due to the existence of a power system to regulate knowledge and hegemony in society through the normalization of knowledge which is a tool of power so that discrimination and even intolerance can be justified in society. The Wawuh boardgame is a medium for spreading tolerance and peace through 9 basic human rights, namely; the right to life, the right to receive, the right to work, the right to health, the right to education, the right to facilities, the right to protection, the right to voice, and the right to administration. This study aims to determine the extent of changes in perspective and behavior of tolerance after playing the Wawuh Boardgame. This game is played to members of the Scouts of UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung Batch 39 who have not been exposed to the issue of peace and violence based on minority group discrimination. This research method uses a combined qualitative and quantitative approach because the data collection uses a questionnaire whose results will be described in written form and the researcher can describe with a clear purpose. The results and discussion of this study prove that there is an attitude of tolerance and a change in perspective by 86% as well as increasing information about minority groups against members of the Scouts of UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung Batch 39. The conclusion of this study is that the Wawuh Boardgame is effective in campaigning for peace and can introduce minority groups as well as being able to prevent discrimination at all levels.
Competency-based learning in elementary education requires the integrated instruction of multiple competencies. Because of its inherent complexity, the assessment of such instruction poses significant challenges. This study presents the results of instructional and assessment experiences implemented in elementary schools of Costa Rica and Japan during the 2019 school year. These activities aimed at developing ATC21s competencies related to local and global citizenship, critical thinking, and ICT literacy. In each country, an experimental group (26 students in Costa Rica and 27 in Japan) participated in two learning units that incorporated animated shorts, graphic organizers, and comics to address community issues. The results from both units are assessed through the analysis of comics and questionnaires. Control groups (25 students in Costa Rica and 27 in Japan) participated only in the questionnaires, which focused on concepts related to community and citizen participation. The comics' analysis focused on the participants' citizens self-awareness and critical thinking skills. The questionnaires' analysis dealt with attitudes related to community and citizen participation. In Costa Rica, the analysis of the comics showed significant increases in critical thinking (PPC) and citizen self-awareness (PCC) scores in the second unit. In both units, Japanese students showed better performance in PPC and PCC than their Costa Rican peers. In both countries, correlations were found between PPC and PCC. The analysis of the questionnaires did not show conclusive results in either country. These results suggest that narrative is more suitable than description and exposition for students to express active and critical attitudes related to citizenship and democracy. ; El aprendizaje basado en competencias en educación primaria requiere la formación integrada de múltiples competencias. Debido a su complejidad inherente, su evaluación supone retos importantes. Este artículo presenta los resultados de experiencias de formación y evaluación realizadas en escuelas de Costa Rica y de Japón durante el año escolar del 2019, dirigidas a desarrollar competencias ATC21s (Evaluación y Enseñanza de las Competencias del Siglo XXI) relacionadas con conciencia ciudadana, pensamiento crítico y literacidad en TIC. En cada país, un grupo experimental (26 estudiantes en Costa Rica y 27 en Japón) participó en dos unidades de aprendizaje, que incorporaron cortos animados, organizadores gráficos e historietas para abordar problemas comunitarios. Los resultados de ambas unidades fueron evaluados mediante el análisis de historietas y cuestionarios. Los grupos de control (25 estudiantes en Costa Rica y 27 en Japón) participaron solo en los cuestionarios, los cuales se centran en los conceptos de comunidad y participación ciudadana. El análisis de historietas se enfocó en la conciencia ciudadana y en las habilidades de pensamiento crítico de las personas participantes, y el análisis de cuestionarios se centró en nociones vinculadas con comunidad y participación ciudadana. En Costa Rica, el análisis de las historietas mostró incrementos significativos en los puntajes de pensamiento crítico (PPC) y conciencia ciudadana (PCC) entre las dos unidades. En las dos unidades, el estudiantado japonés mostró un mejor desempeño en PPC y PCC que sus pares costarricenses. En ambos países se encontraron correlaciones significativas entre PPC y PCC. En los grupos experimentales y de control de ambos países, el análisis de los cuestionarios no mostró resultados concluyentes. Estos resultados muestran que la narrativa es más adecuada que la descripción y la exposición para que las personas estudiantes expresen actitudes activas y críticas relacionadas con ciudadanía y democracia ; El aprendizaje basado en competencias en educación primaria requiere la formación integrada de múltiples competencias. Debido a su complejidad inherente, su evaluación supone retos importantes. Este artículo presenta los resultados de experiencias de formación y evaluación realizadas en escuelas de Costa Rica y de Japón durante el año escolar del 2019, dirigidas a desarrollar competencias ATC21s (Evaluación y Enseñanza de las Competencias del Siglo XXI) relacionadas con conciencia ciudadana, pensamiento crítico y literacidad en TIC. En cada país, un grupo experimental (26 estudiantes en Costa Rica y 27 en Japón) participó en dos unidades de aprendizaje, que incorporaron cortos animados, organizadores gráficos e historietas para abordar problemas comunitarios. Los resultados de ambas unidades fueron evaluados mediante el análisis de historietas y cuestionarios. Los grupos de control (25 estudiantes en Costa Rica y 27 en Japón) participaron solo en los cuestionarios, los cuales se centran en los conceptos de comunidad y participación ciudadana. El análisis de historietas se enfocó en la conciencia ciudadana y en las habilidades de pensamiento crítico de las personas participantes, y el análisis de cuestionarios se centró en nociones vinculadas con comunidad y participación ciudadana. En Costa Rica, el análisis de las historietas mostró incrementos significativos en los puntajes de pensamiento crítico (PPC) y conciencia ciudadana (PCC) entre las dos unidades. En las dos unidades, el estudiantado japonés mostró un mejor desempeño en PPC y PCC que sus pares costarricenses. En ambos países se encontraron correlaciones significativas entre PPC y PCC. En los grupos experimentales y de control de ambos países, el análisis de los cuestionarios no mostró resultados concluyentes. Estos resultados muestran que la narrativa es más adecuada que la descripción y la exposición para que las personas estudiantes expresen actitudes activas y críticas relacionadas con ciudadanía y democracia
Inclui correções e alterações sugeridas pelo Júri. ; The COVID-19 pandemic is the disaster of the 21st century, the disease that shook the world and change life of entire populations. Its tremendous negative impact on economy caused permanent changes in organizational functioning, triggering companies to create crisis management strategies and adopt new innovative practices. The agro-sector was not an exemption. Considering that this sector manifests constant growth related to not only the increase of human population, but also to continuous life-style changes, it is crucial to develop recovery strategies on organizational and governmental levels. Therefore this study provides the general overview of crisis management concept with its main characteristics and frameworks; analyses the importance of innovation in agro-sector; offers agro-sector overview; examines the pandemic's impact on this particular sector and some of the recovery strategies; and explores the attitudes of agro-sector professionals towards COVID-19 crisis in two countries – Portugal and Russia. This research intends to discover differences and similarities in crisis management solutions between agro business professionals in both countries, as well as possible approaches to crisis outcome minimization. ; A pandemia COVID-19 é a tragédia do século XXI, a doença que abalou o mundo e mudou a vida de populações inteiras. O seu forte impacto negativo na economia provocou mudanças permanentes no funcionamento organizacional, levando as empresas a criar estratégias de gestão de crise e a adotar as novas práticas inovadoras. O setor agrícola não foi a exceção. Visto que este sector demonstra um crescimento constante relacionado não apenas com o aumento da população a nível mundial, mas também com as mudanças contínuas no seu estilo de vida, um desenvolvimento de estratégias de recuperação a nível organizacional e governamental torna-se imperativo. Deste modo, este estudo oferece um panorama geral do conceito de gestão de crise com as suas principais características e estruturas; analisa a importância da inovação no setor agrícola; oferece uma visão geral do setor; apresenta o impacto da pandemia neste sector e algumas das estratégias de recuperação; por fim, explora as atitudes dos profissionais do setor agrícola em relação à crise da COVID-19 em dois países – em Portugal e na Rússia. Esta investigação pretende descobrir as diferenças e semelhanças nas soluções de gestão de crise entre os profissionais de agro-negócios de ambos os países, bem como os possíveis abordagens relativamente à minimização dos impactos da crise.
Länsimaisissa demokratioissa äänestäjien yhteiskuntaluokka ja koettu luokka-asema ovat perinteisesti selittäneet heidän puoluevalintojaan. Tätä äänestyspäätöksiä selittävää toimintamallia, eli omaan yhteiskuntaluokkaan liittyvän puolueen äänestämistä, kutsutaan luokkaäänestämiseksi. Luokkaäänestämistä painottavissa teorioissa yhteiskuntaluokkia pidetään merkittävimpänä poliittisena jakolinjana. Länsimaisissa monipuoluejärjestelmissä myös poliittiset puolueet ovat syntyneet tältä pohjalta. Nykyisillekin puoluejärjestelmille merkitykselliseksi poliittiseksi jakolinjaksi yhteiskuntaluokat muodostuivat jo teollisessa vallankumouksessa, joka synnytti vastakkainasettelua työtä tekevän ja omistavan väestönosan välillä. Jakolinja oli niin voimakkaasti kansalaisia erotteleva, että se synnytti nopeasti yhteiskuntaan erilaisia poliittisia järjestöjä etenkin työväestön keskuuteen. Tällä tavoin ammattiliitot, sosiaalidemokraattiset sekä sosialistiset puolueet saivat alkunsa. 1980-luvulle tultaessa yhä useammat tutkimukset osoittivat, että äänestäjien luokka-aseman vaikutus heidän vaalikäyttäytymiseensä oli heikentynyt. Erityisesti tämä trendi liittyi työväenluokkaisiin äänestäjiin. Heidän ammattiasemansa katsottiin menettäneen asteittain merkitystään vaaleissa tekemiin puoluevalintoihinsa. Yhteiskunnan rakennetasolla trendiä on selitetty työntekijäammattien vähenemisellä teollistuneissa demokratioissa. Esimerkiksi Suomessa työntekijäammattien osuus kaikista ammateista on pienentynyt lähes 20 prosenttiyksikköä 1970-luvulta 2010-luvulle tultaessa. Luokkaäänestämisen laskun on esitetty liittyvän puoluekentän pirstoutumiseen, yhteiskunnan uudelleenjärjestäytymiseen ja laajamittaisiin rakenteellisiin muutoksiin länsimaissa. Globalisaatiokehitys, koulutustason nousu, työelämän lisääntynyt epävakaus sekä väestön ikääntyminen ovat yleisimpiä yhteiskunnan rakennetason muutoksia, jotka ovat väistämättä muuttaneet myös poliittista kenttää. Vaikka luokkaäänestäminen on vähentynyt, osa tutkimuksista on suhtautunut havaintoihin sen vähenemisestä varauksellisesti. Varsinkaan Pohjoismaiden vaaleissa työväenluokkaisuuden ei ole katsottu menettäneen samassa suhteessa merkitystään äänestyspäätöksiä selittävänä tekijänä verrattuna muihin länsimaisiin demokratioihin. Lisäksi yhteiskunnan rakenteelliset muutokset sekä niiden seuraukset ja luokkaäänestämisen yleinen väheneminen ovat motivoineet tutkijoita tarkastelemaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia myös subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta. Subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta kiinnostuneet tutkijat ovat tyypillisesti keskittyneet analysoimaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia heidän luokkasamastumisensa kautta. Luokkasamastumisella tarkoitetaan yhteiskuntaluokkaa, johon henkilö kokee itse lähinnä kuuluvansa. Tämä väitöstutkimus tuottaa luokkaäänestämisen näkökulmasta uutta tietoa suomalaisten työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien äänestyskäyttäytymisestä, arvoista ja asenteista sekä heidän puoluevalinnoistaan Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Tarkoitan nyt ja myös jäljempänä 2000-luvulla vuosituhannen vaihteesta alkanutta aikaa. Tutkimus on saanut alkunsa kahdesta 2000-luvun suomalaisia äänestäjiä sekä suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää koskevasta havainnosta. Ensimmäinen havainto koskee luokkasamastumista. Merkittävä osa suomalaisista äänestäjistä kokee 2000-luvulla samastuvansa johonkin yhteiskuntaluokkaan siitä huolimatta, että yhteiskuntaluokkien on esitetty hiipuvan ja menettävän merkitystään. Toinen havainto koskee suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää ja siinä 2000-luvulla tapahtuneita merkittäviä muutoksia. Tästä hyvänä esimerkkinä voidaan mainita vuoden 2011 eduskuntavaalit, joissa iso joukko työväenluokkaisia äänestäjiä siirtyi Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) takaa Perussuomalaisten (PS) kannattajiksi. Tämä tutkimus tuo nämä kaksi erillistä havaintoa yhteen tutkimalla työnväenluokan äänestämisen mekanismeja 2000-luvun Suomessa sekä luokkakongruenssin että äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka työnväenluokkaiset äänestäjät äänestävät 2000-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimusongelma nojaa tapaan analysoida äänestäjien luokka-asemia kahdesta näkökulmasta. Se tarkoittaa objektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli ammatin, ja subjektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli luokkasamastumisen, tarkastelemista samanaikaisesti. Näiden kahden luokka-asemaa mittaavan muuttujan yhteyttä nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa joko luokkakongruenssiksi tai inkongruenssiksi riippuen siitä, ovatko ne toisiaan vastaavat vai eivät. Tutkimus muodostaa kolme erillistä työväenluokkaryhmää. Ryhmistä ensimmäinen on "perinteinen työväenluokka" ( traditional working class ), joka koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Ryhmä "ammatillinen työväenluokka" ( occupational working class ) koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kolmanteen ryhmään, "ideologiseen työväenluokkaan" ( ideological working class ) kuuluvat ei- työntekijäammateissa toimivat, jotka kuitenkin samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan näiden kolmen ryhmän arvoja ja asenteita, joiden merkitystä viimeaikainen tutkimus on painottanut puoluevalintojen taustalla. Tutkimusaineistoina käytetään kansallisten eduskuntavaalitutkimusten kyselyaineistoja (FNES) vuosilta 2003–2019. Tutkimuksen analyysi on kolmivaiheinen. Ensimmäinen analyysiluku keskittyy löytämään tekijöitä, jotka selittävät luokkakongruenssia ja inkongruenssia tutkimuksen kolmen työnväenluokkaryhmän keskuudessa. Tulosten mukaan lapsuudenkoti, koulutustaso ja puolison ammatti ovat merkittävimmät tekijät, jotka selittävät sekä luokkakongruenssia että inkongruenssia. Ennen kaikkea työväenluokkainen lapsuudenkoti nousee esiin merkittävimpänä työväenluokkaan samastumista selittävänä tekijänä. Tutkimuksen toinen analyysiluku tarkastelee sitä, missä määrin kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat toisistaan arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Toisin sanoen luku analysoi sitä, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tulokset osoittavat, että kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat jossain määrin toisistaan sekä sosioekonomisilta että sosiokulttuurisilta arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Ideologinen työväenluokka ( ideological working class ) erottuu kahdesta muusta ryhmästä vasemmistolaisemmalla sosioekonomisella orientaatiollaan. Lisäksi ammatillinen työväenluokka ( occupational working class ) on sosiokulttuuriselta orientaatioltaan kolmesta työväenluokkaryhmästä konservatiivisin. Kaikki kolme ryhmää ovat selvästi enemmän EU-kriittisiä kuin EU-myönteisiä verrattuna muihin äänestäjiin. Tutkimuksen kolmas analyysiluku tuo yhteen kaksi aiempaa analyysilukua. Se tarkastelee luokkakongruenssin ja luokkainkongruenssin sekä arvojen ja asenteiden vaikutusta työväenluokkaryhmien puoluevalintoihin. Kokoava analyysi soveltaa polkumallia ja tutkii, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat suoraan työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoihin, tai missä määrin vaikutus on epäsuora äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden kautta. Tulokset osoittavat, että työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalinnat ovat moniulotteisia, eikä niitä voi enää 2000-luvulla kuvailla pelkästään perinteisiksi luokka-puolue-siteiksi. Tästä huolimatta SDP ja Vasemmistoliitto ovat yhä 2000-luvulla puolueita, joille työväenluokkaiset äänestäjät antavat ääniään. Nämä työväenluokan ääniä perinteisesti keränneet puolueet ovat saaneet haastajia Perussuomalaisten ohella muistakin puolueista. Työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoja ohjaavat myös heidän arvonsa ja asenteensa. Perinteisesti työväenluokkaäänestämiseen liitetty vasemmistolainen sosioekonominen orientaatio, on kuitenkin tulosten valossa yhä harvemmin löydettävissä työväenluokan äänestyspäätösten taustalta. Tulosten valossa mihinkään työväenluokkaryhmään kuuluminen yhdistettynä sosioekonomiseen orientaatioon ei lisää todennäköisyyttä äänestää mitään tarkasteltua puoluetta. Arvoista ja asenteista EU-kriittisyys yhdistettynä mihin tahansa työväenluokkaryhmään erottuu selvästi useimmiten puoluevalintoja selittävänä tekijänä. Tämän lisäksi konservatiivisen sosiokulttuurisen orientaation havaitaan lisäävän todennäköisyyttä äänestää Suomen Keskustaa tai Perussuomalaisia ammatillisen työväenluokan ( occupational working class ) keskuudessa. Kyse on sellaisista työväenluokkaisista äänestäjistä, jotka toimivat työntekijäammateissa, mutta samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan tulokset osoittavat, että perinteistä työväenluokkaäänestämistä ilmenee yhä edelleen 2000-luvun Suomessa, mutta työväenluokan äänet jakautuvat useamman puolueen kesken. SDP:n ja Perussuomalaisten ohella työväenluokka antaa 2000-luvulla äänensä niin Vihreälle Liitolle, Vasemmistoliitolle kuin Suomen Keskustallekin. Keskeinen löydös on, että Perussuomalaiset onnistuu kilpailemaan kaikkien kolmen tutkimuksessa muodostetun työväenluokkaryhmän äänistä. Täten työväenluokkaryhmien siirtyminen Perussuomalaisten äänestäjiksi ei juurikaan riipu heidän koulutustasostaan, ammatistaan tai luokkasamastumisestaan. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että kesällä 2017 tapahtuneesta sisäisestä kahtiajaostaan huolimatta Perussuomalaiset on puolueena kyennyt jatkamaan tätä trendiä. Vaikka EU- kriittisyys linkittyy myös muiden puolueiden äänestämiseen työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien keskuudessa, Perussuomalaiset on epäilemättä onnistunut kanavoimaan EU-kriittiset äänet taakseen. Äänestäjien luokka-asemien perusteellinen ja moniulotteinen analysointi tarjoaa tärkeää uutta tietoa luokkaäänestämisen malleista ja mekanismeista. Tämän tutkimuksen kontribuutio laaja-alaiseen luokkaäänestämistä käsittelevään tutkimukseen piilee nimenomaan sen soveltamassa kaksiulotteisessa lähestymistavassa työväenluokkaisen aseman määrittelemiseen. Lisäksi tutkimus yhdistää kaksiulotteisen näkökulman arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tutkimuksen keskeinen argumentti on, että mikäli jokin kolmesta tekijästä – objektiivinen luokka-asema, subjektiivinen luokka-asema tai äänestäjän arvot ja asenteet – jätetään pois tarkastelusta, luokkaäänestämisen keskeiset mekanismit jäävät pimentoon. Tulevaisuuden luokkaäänestämistä tarkastelevien tutkimusten on tärkeää ottaa huomioon nämä kaikki kolme tekijää. ; Traditionally, voters' class positions have determined their party choices in Western democracies. At the same time, social class has been considered being the most significant political cleavage of which political parties have conventionally emerged in the West-European multi-party systems. Class cleavage has emerged from the industrial revolution based on the labour market confrontation between workers and owners. The cleavage has been so divisive and has resulted in the formation of various political organisations especially at the worker-side. Meanwhile, Labour Unions, Social Democratic (SD) parties and socialist parties were formed. Since the late 1980s, numerous studies have claimed that voters' class has become an irrelevant determinant of electoral behaviour. This trend has been related to working-class voters, whose occupational position is regarded becoming gradually a weaker predictor of their voting behaviour than in the past. At the macro level, this weakening trend has been explained by a decline in the relative proportion of the working class. The share of blue-collar employees has decreased significantly in the past few decades in advanced industrialised democracies. For example, in Finland, the share of blue-collar employees has decreased by almost 20 percentage points from the 1970s to the 2010s. The declines in class voting have been linked to the political parties' disintegration, reconfiguration of society, and large-scale societal change in the Western world. Globalisation, the rising level of education, unstable working-life conditions, and the ageing population have been the most common societal explanations for the change in the political sphere. Despite the relative decrease, some previous studies have indicated that the working class is still relevant and has not lost its significance as a determinant of voting behaviour to same extent in the Nordic countries as in other Western democracies in the 21st century. Moreover, the societal change, its consequences, and declining trends in class voting have motivated scholars to consider the subjective approach to voters' class positions. Typically, scholars who have focused on the subjective approach, i.e., class identification, have considered the declining trend in class voting more carefully. This study aims to provide new knowledge on the Finnish working class' voting behaviour, party attachment, and attitudinal orientations from the perspective of class voting in 21 st century Finland. It originates from two observations on the Finnish electorate and party system in the 21 st century. The first observation relates to the continued significance of class identification among the Finnish electorate. Considerable majority of eligible voters identify with a specific social class, despite ongoing debates over the decreasing significance of social classes to voting preferences. The second observation relates to the notable changes, which have occurred in the Finnish party system in the 21 st century. A good example of this is a large share of working-class voters who switched from the SDP to the Finns Party in the 2011 parliamentary election. This study integrates these two separate observations together by studying the mechanisms of working-class voting from the perspective of class (in)congruence and voters' attitudinal orientations. As such, the study discovers how the working-class votes in 21st century Finland. The research problem is built on analysing working-class voting from the perspective of a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions, i.e., class (in)congruence. The study formulates three groups of working-class voters by considering voters' occupation and class identification. The first group, the traditional working class , consists of blue-collar employees with working-class identification. The second group, the occupational working class, is blue-collar employees who do not have working-class identification, but they identify with the lower-middle, middle, or upper-middle class. The third group, the ideological working-class, consists of those who are not blue-collar employees by their occupation but have working-class identification. In addition, the study considers the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations, the significance the previous research has highlighted with regard to determining voting decisions in the 21 st century. The datasets used for the analyses are the 2003-2019 Finnish National Elections Studies (FNES). The first part of the study's threefold analysis focuses on finding factors that explain class incongruence and congruence among the three working-class groups. The results show that class of the childhood home, the level of education, and spouse's occupation are the most significant factors that explain both class incongruence and congruence. Above all, working-class childhood home is the most significant factor that explains working-class identification. The second analysis examines the extent to which three working-class groups differ from each other based on their attitudinal orientations, i.e., the extent that class (in)congruence affects attitudinal orientations. The results show that the three working-class groups differ from each other by their socioeconomic and sociocultural orientations. The ideological working-class is more leftist based on their socioeconomic orientation than the traditional or the occupational working class. In addition, the results show that the occupational working class has a more conservative sociocultural orientation than the traditional and ideological working class. From the outcome of the results, all three working-class groups have more opposing attitudes towards the EU than other voters. The third analysis combines the previous analyses and examines the extent that party choices among the Finnish working-class voters are influenced by the class (in)congruence and the voters' attitudinal orientations. Moreover, the last analysis aims to discover the extent the class (in)congruence affects directly working-class voters' party choice or indirectly via the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations. The findings indicate that the working-class' voting patterns are multidimensional and cannot be defined as simple class-party ties in 21 st century Finland. The traditional left-wing parties, the SDP, and the Left Alliance, are still parties, to which working-class voters give their votes in general. This study shows that the party choices of the Finnish working class is determined by their attitudinal orientations. In spite of this, the leftist socioeconomic orientation, which is traditionally linked to working-class voting, is increasingly less common determinant of party choice among the Finnish working class. The results show that belonging to a particular working-class group and having a particular socioeconomic orientation do not increase the likelihood of voting any of the six parties under study. Instead, there can be distinguished an indirect effect on party choice, which goes via opposing attitudes towards the EU among each working class group. In addition, belonging to the occupational working class has an indirect effect on voting both for the Centre Party and the Finns Party via conservative sociocultural orientation. Overall, the results indicate that traditional working class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland, but the votes of the working class tend to be shared between several parties. Along with the SDP and the Finns Party, Finnish working-class voters give their votes to the Green League, the Left Alliance, and the Centre Party. One important finding is that the Finns Party is, however, able to compete for the votes of the working class among each of the three working-class groups. The party can gather support from all working-class groups despite their class identification, occupation, or level of education. The findings also show that despite the split of the Finns Party in June 2017, the split fails to reduce the party's popularity among the working-class voters. Moreover, the EU criticism has moved working-class voters closer to the Finns Party. While the opposing views about the EU have been linked to voting for the other parties as well, the Finns Party has undoubtedly managed to channel particularly these types of votes among the working-class voters. The findings show that working-class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland revealing that when a comprehensive approach is applied to the voters' class positions, important knowledge on the patterns and mechanisms of class voting is provided. The study contributes to the vast literature on class voting by applying a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions and combining it with the voters' attitudinal orientations. If one of the three factors—objective class-position, subjective class-position, and attitudinal orientations—is not examined, then the essential mechanisms of class voting remain undiscovered. Future class-voting studies should consider all subjective class indicators, the voter's occupation, and voters' attitudinal orientations.
