Suchergebnisse

Transgressions: critical Australian Indigenous histories -- Table of Contents -- Contributors -- Preface -- References -- François Péron and the Tasmanians: an unrequited romance -- References -- Moving Blackwards: Black Power and the Aboriginal Embassy -- Black Power -- The tents -- Black pride -- The tents -- Black independence -- The tents -- References -- Primary documents -- Newspapers and media sources -- Secondary sources -- Criminal justice and transgression on northern Australian cattle stations -- Feudal transgression: a more elucidatory means of classifying cattle stations -- Intersection between feudal land laws and power -- Pastoralists' governance on the frontier -- Normalised pastoralists' jurisdiction -- Northern pastoral lords over their feudal estate and workers -- The strength of pastoralists' jurisdiction in the face of government legislation -- Non-payment of wages as a source of pastoralists' authority -- Aboriginal transgression -- Conclusion: limits of Aboriginal transgression and ways forward -- References -- Primary sources -- Secondary Sources -- Dreaming the circle: indigeneity and the longing for belonging in White Australia -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Resisting the captured image: how Gwoja Tjungurrayi, 'One Pound Jimmy', escaped the 'Stone Age' -- A cultural courtesy -- A snapshot -- Introduction -- The birth of Central Australian tourism -- The language of tourism -- The 'Imperial' tourist gaze -- The 'pioneer' tourist gaze -- The 'anthropological' tourist gaze -- Gwoja Tjungurrayi: the man behind the image -- Displacement and massacre -- Survival and adjustment -- Transmission of knowledge to the next generation -- Unwanted celebrity? -- Holmes: discoverer or myth-maker? -- The meeting -- The name -- Collaboration and escape -- Conclusion -- A postscript -- References

It is acknowledged that health outcomes for Australian Indigenous peoples are lower than those of non-Indigenous Australians. Research suggests negative media in relation to Indigenous Australians perpetuates racist stereotypes among the wider population and impacts on the health of Indigenous Australians. This study examined the media portrayal of Indigenous Australian public health issues in selected media over a twelve month period and found that, overwhelmingly, the articles were negative in their portrayal of Indigenous health. A total of 74 percent of the coverage of Australian Indigenous related articles were negative, 15 percent were positive, and 11 percent were neutral. The most common negative subject descriptors related to alcohol, child abuse, petrol sniffing, violence, suicide, deaths in custody, and crime.

Foreword -- Notes on contributors -- Abbreviations and Acronyms -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Contestations over development -- Theoretical framing -- Conduct of research and the focus of contributions -- Conclusion -- 2. Indigenous communities, miners and the state in Australia -- Introduction -- Scene setting: The overall context -- The state -- Multinational corporations -- Indigenous rights and economic levers -- Development outcomes -- Formal outcomes and social indicators -- Local views about outcomes -- Case 1: The Ranger Uranium Mine agreement

Bringing together a well-respected team of commentators, this revised and updated edition examines the legal, social and political developments that have take place in Australia since the publication of the last edition.

Foreword /Mick Dodson --Understanding Indigenous Australian governance--research, theory and representations /Diane Smith and Janet Hunt --Part 1.The governance environment.Between a rock and a hard place: self-determination, mainstreaming and Indigenous community governance /Janet Hunt --Constraints on researchers acting as change agents /Sarah Holcombe --Part 2.Culture, power and the intercultural.Cultures of governance and the governance of culture: transforming and containing Indigenous institutions in West Arnhem Land /Diane Smith --Whose governance, for whose good? The Laynhapuy Homelands Association and the neo-assimilationist turn in Indigenous policy /Frances Morphy --Regenerating governance on Kaanju homelands /Benjamin Richard Smith --Part 3.Institutions of Indigenous governance.Different governance for difference: the Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation /Jon Altman --The business of governing: building institutional capital in an urban enterprise /Diane Smith --Indigenous leaders and leadership: agents of networked governance /Bill Ivory --Part 4.Contesting cultural geographies of governance.Noongar Nation /Manuhuia Barcham --Regionalism that respects localism: the Anmatjere Community Government Council and beyond /Will Sanders --Part 5.Rebuilding governance.Incorporating cattle: governance and an Aboriginal pastoral enterprise /Christina Lange --Mapping expectations around a 'governance review' exercise of a West Kimberley organisation /Kathryn Thorburn.

This article considers how changing media practices of minority groups and political and media elites impact on democratic participation in national debates. Taking as its case study the state-sponsored campaign to formally recognise Indigenous people in the Australian constitution, the article examines the interrelationships between political media and Indigenous participatory media—both of which we argue are undergoing seismic transformation. Discussion of constitutional reform has tended to focus on debates occurring in forums of influence such as party politics and news media that privilege the voices of only a few high-profile Indigenous media 'stars'. Debate has progressed on the assumption that constitutional change needs to be settled by political elites and then explained and 'sold' to Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Our research on the mediatisation of policymaking has found that in an increasingly media-saturated environment, political leaders and their policy bureaucrats attend to a narrow range of highly publicised voices. But the rapidly changing media environment has disrupted the media-driven Recognise campaign. Vigorous public discussion is increasingly taking place outside the mainstream institutions of media and politics, while social media campaigns emerge in rapid response to government decisions. Drawing on a long tradition in citizens' media scholarship we argue that the vibrant, diverse and growing Indigenous media sphere in Australia has increased the accessibility of Indigenous voices challenging the scope and substance of the recognition debate. The article concludes on a cautionary note by considering some tensions in the promise of the changing media for Indigenous participation in the national policy conversation.

The paper presents an analysis of the economic status of indigenous families relative to other Australian families. An innovative combination of economic analysis of current census data and ethnographic research is used in the paper, and reveals that indigenous families are experiencing substantial and multiple forms of economic burden in comparison to other Australian families, and display significantly different characteristics. They are more likely to be sole parent families and have on average, a larger number of children and larger households. The adults are younger, have lower levels of education and are less likely to be in employment than other Australians. The poor economic position of indigenous sole parents is highlighted, and the economic role of the aged, matrifocal families, young adults and children are consisdered. The paper concludes by examining the important policy and program implications raised by the research, and argues the need for an increased focus on the particular socio‐economic and locational circumstances of indigenous families.

The enactment of the Workplace Relations Act 1996 by the Howard Government represented an acceleration in the pace of industrial relations reform. Amid these significant and widespread legislative developments, little attention was paid to the plight of groups traditionally disadvantaged in the labour market-including Indigenous people. The Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey (AWIRS) 1995 is the first publicly released data set that permits analysts to directly examine the industrial relations environment in firms that employ Indigenous Australians. Information from the AWIRS employee survey and AWIRS Employee Relations Managers survey are used in the analysis.

The enactment of the Workplace Relations Act 1996 by the Howard Government represented an acceleration in the pace of industrial relations reform. Amid these significant and widespread legislative developments, little attention was paid to the plight of groups traditionally disadvantaged in the labour market-including Indigenous people. The Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey (AWIRS) 1995 is the first publicly released data set that permits analysts to directly examine the industrial relations environment in firms that employ Indigenous Australians. Information from the AWIRS employee survey and AWIRS Employee Relations Managers survey are used in the analysis.

In this article, I analyse a critical factor confronting Australian higher education—the involvement of Indigenous people in leadership and governance within universities. First, I examine the importance of this key factor in addressing the educational aspirations of Indigenous people at universities. Secondly, I discuss the results of a survey I conducted in 2012 on the approaches of universities towards the participation of Indigenous people in university leadership and governance. I argue that despite the demonstrable importance of this key factor, universities have clearly failed to genuinely address Indigenous leadership and governance. I also compare the results of the 2012 survey with the results obtained from similar previous surveys I conducted in 2000 and 2007.